Full Text of the Document Revealed by Rep. Jung Hyung-keun

Home > National > Social Affairs

print dictionary print

Full Text of the Document Revealed by Rep. Jung Hyung-keun

Following is the full text of the document revealed by Rep.Jung Hyung-keun of the Grand National Party on October 25.
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
Adjustment of the External Climate for Successful Reform

(1) In-depth Analysis of the Crisis:
The current crisis faced by the 'People's Government' is a result of many internal factors. These include a serious 'letting down of the guard' and inadequate material and systematic response to domestic issues.
-In particular the 'Dress Scandal' and the 'Labor Unionists Taming Plot' have driven a major wedge between the government and the average citizen and the labor sectors (two groups which have been the current government's major supporters).
-Although other administrations had to deal with minor troubles, they did not have to deal with these types of major incidents in such a short period (1 1/2 years) after their inaugurations.
-It is because major newspapers like Chosun Ilbo , JoongAng Ilbo and Dong-A Ilbo have consistently reported and exaggerated these incidents (in a fashion stronger than previously) that criticism of the current government has become so heated.
-Therefore a crisis control plan must be launched as soon as possible on the basis of new countermeasures directed against the press including an inside arrangement with the coalition United Liberal Democrats (ULD).
-Of note is that there has now arisen anti-Cholla sentiment among the Korean public led by the press. This means that there should be some distancing of the press from the opposition party. It is imperative that 'shock therapy' be administered to reverse these recent trends.
-The new policy toward the press should be in place by August as the 16th General Election (to be held in April 2000) is not far off.

(2) The Change in Attitude by the Domestic Press
-In general the press held a neutral stance when the current government took power in early 1998, but this year this attitude has changed. We noted their blunt criticism and cynicism. When the bill for the arrest of opposition Assemblyman Suh Sang-mok was rejected in the National Assembly, the domestic press en masse began to attack the government, broadly challenging its power.
-In particular, after Dong-A Ilbo, which had been classified as pro-Kim administration, followed the lead of the already critical and conservative Chosun Ilbo and turned anti-governmental in tone, even JoongAng Ilbo, which had been neutral, changed to an anti-government stance.
-The change demonstrated by Dong-A Ilbo was due to several factors. The first was the particular character of its owner, however the second and more compelling reason is seen as being a business tactic. By attempting to regain its original reputation as an 'opposition paper,' Dong-A hopes to hide the fact that it is no less competitive than Chosun Ilbo or JoongAng Ilbo.
-Dong-A's attitude is thought to have encouraged JoongAng Ilbo to be more critical, which it has become following the 'Dress Scandal.'
-These papers explain that this change in attitude should be construed as being simply 'constructive criticism' of the government. In fact, however, taking full advantage of these attacks on the weak points in the current administration and thus weakening it further, their intention is to establish a position of superiority over the administration.

(3) What Problems Will Arise if These Issues are Not Addressed
-By loosening the restraints on Korea's major newspapers and allowing reforms to proceed on their own, it is true that our ability to curb the press has been seriously weakened. On the other hand, the newspaper owners believe that in the past year many of the weaknesses of the present administration have been exposed and, with this advantage in hand, they can have their way with the government.
-We must take note of the fact that following the Suh incident and a series of other scandals that an anti-Cholla public sentiment is steadily graining ground. The press is responsible for the development and intensification of this sentiment and if we do nothing, then we cannot rule out the possibility that this anti-Cholla sentiment will become a real issue.
-In particular we have to remember that because of next year's General Elections, etc. the administration cannot help but be in a weak position vis-a-vis the press. It is obvious that the press will take advantage of this situation to launch a general attack against the government and attempt to establish a position of superiority and expand its influence.
-Korea's 'Big 3' newspapers (Chosun, JoongAng, Dong-A) serve as opinion leaders. If they all stick firmly to an anti-government attitude in their reporting we are faced with a situation where instead of dealing with the powers targeted for reform by the administration, we will have a difficult fight with the press. This means reform efforts will face a huge stumbling block and the ramifications will have a negative impact on the general elections.
-Therefore a decisive and fundamental response towards the press is urgently called for. It is very important that of the 'Big 3' we have to make one a pro-government paper and the remaining two (at the very least) must not be allowed to continue to maintain their very obvious anti-government positions.
-We have to remember that those in the ruling party who have served as our conduits to press, yet who being conscious of their own position, will not want to play the role of 'bad guy' for long. In this situation, even if there are many who would want to play the role that Lee Won-jung did (Lee, who served during the Kim Young-sam administration, consistently supported and promoted the government's position despite the personal criticism he suffered) by playing 'soft ball' with the press our control of it will continue to weaken. In the near future we cannot rule out ending up facing the worst possible scenario where we were constrained by the press and had to compromise with it.
-Therefore in order to be successful in this reform of the press upon which we are staking the fate of both the present administration and the nation, it is urgent that a bold plan be rapidly implemented which includes a fundamental re-evaluation of policy towards the press and a strengthening of our control of it.

(4) Specific Measures for Press Reform
A. Reform Movements Based on Principle
-The principle of our reform is that the press is not a privileged institution that is immune from outside interference. We have to approach this issue by establishing a firm principle: the press is, like a private company subject to the universal principles of the market.
-The reason is that unfavorable side-effects like a loss of the administration's power may arise if it appears that such reform is being undertaken for the benefit of a certain party or to satisfy old grudges.
-Thus at a point in time when President Kim Dae-jung's four major reforms are starting to tak
Log in to Twitter or Facebook account to connect
with the Korea JoongAng Daily
help-image Social comment?
s
lock icon

To write comments, please log in to one of the accounts.

Standards Board Policy (0/250자)