[Column] Striking a balance between ‘rough’ and ‘tough’

Choi Hoon
The author is the chief editor of the JoongAng Ilbo.

President Yoon Suk Yeol celebrates his first year in office on May 9. The election victory of the former prosecutor with just eight months of experience in politics drew close attention. During his first year, he tried to fix the follies of the past liberal administration — its incremental abandonment of nuclear reactors, income-led growth, 52-hour workweek, multiple taxations on real-estate riches and unique generosity toward militant labor unions.

The conservative Yoon administration re-strengthened traditional ties with the United States by standing tough against the nuclear and missile threats from North Korea. The government removed the deadlock over the wartime forced labor compensation to help restore ties with Japan despite political risks. Overall, he has not erred as a conservative leader. Still, his approval rating hovers at the mid-30 percent level. His style and image are largely blamed for the negativity. “Coarseness” is the general view of Yoon’s style.

A recent Gallup Korea poll backs the view. There is a common feature behind both positive and negative evaluations of the president’s character. Of the 34 percent positive responses, conviction, determination, and perseverance accounted for 5 percent. Of the 58 percent negative views, unilateralism, one-sidedness and a lack of communication also took up 5 percent. If he can change unilateralism into conviction, he could easily gain a positive rating above 40 percent. But if his strong drive is seen as “being arbitrary or lacking communication skills,” the approval rating could plunge to the 20 percent range.

Yoon has gained kudos from the conservative front for addressing the trade union, whose power immensely grew under the liberal government. The union came under scrutiny for its overwhelming influence in construction fields and its shady accounting practices. Punishing the wrong is something a career prosecutor could excel in.

President Yoon Suk Yeol, left, shakes hands with Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida before a summit in the official residence of the prime minister in Tokyo, March 16. [YONHAP]

Pushing ahead with much-delayed reforms in pension, labor and education can be possible from a presidential leadership with determination, as seen in the public resistance against the pension reform being pushed by the French president. Former president Moon Jae-in lost his rating to 45 percent due to his iconic dilly-dallying over pension and labor reforms and soured Korea-Japan ties for domestic politics. Reform demands a self-sacrificing determination to fight the behemoths protective of their vested interests. Inaction is the biggest sin a leader can commit.

I once heard a former prosecutor general talk of Yoon as a prosecutor. He recommended Yoon to work in the Central Investigation Bureau of the Supreme Prosecutor’s Office, dubbed as the peak of a prosecutor’s working career. Yoon joined the prosecution late but gained credence for disciplined work. “He got along with everyone well because he drank and socialized well,” said the former top prosecutor.

The Central Investigation Bureau mostly deals with powerful people in politics and business, and the chief needed persuasive power to proceed with the investigations. “He was someone who was able to earn their trust and got the confession he needed,” the former prosecutor general said. The “rounded” and “down-to-earth” personality was highly expectant of Yoon as the president. But as a president, that personality did not come out. He may have been frustrated with the ever-contentious opposition and public broadcasters tilted to the liberal front.

Yoon should have conferred with the main opposition about his plans in Japan. Even with the Democratic Party head Lee Jae-myung facing criminal charges, the president should have invited the members of the Foreign Affairs and Unification Committee and floor leaders of the opposition to explain the government’s strategy to restore ties with Japan through a third-party compensation for wartime forced labor victims. It would have been a dereliction of duty if they refused the invitation.

Yoon invited veteran diplomats the day before he visited Tokyo and a day after Seoul announced the third-party-based solution on behalf of Japanese companies. But what advice could the veteran diplomats give when a decision was already made? Yoon should have met the victims to comfort and persuade them, even at the risk of being shunned. The view of 67 percent supporting improved Korea-Japan relations shifted to 57.9 percent disapproval after Yoon visited Japan. The public found Yoon’s gesture less genuine and showier without sufficient toil and time.

Communication within his administration also could have been smoother. The government’s announcements on the tax credit for chipmakers and flexing the rigid work hours had to be re-studied upon the president’s order. His sudden replacement of the national security advisor shortly before his state visit to the U.S. later this month also raises questions. The president has been speculated to be behind the noise every time. Worse, there seem to be very few who can speak frankly to the president. He may hear from the precious few but seems to make all the decisions alone. Military general-turned-presidents Park Chung Hee and Charles de Gaulle fit into that top-down leadership type.

The next four years will be tougher for Yoon. It would be a lonely and hard journey. But he must drive on by making the most of his strengths and complementing his weaknesses. What can bridge the rough arbitrariness and the strong conviction is communication and dialogue. Yoon must cross the bridge as much as possible.