To be or not to be aligned with Yoon
Published: 19 Dec. 2024, 20:43
Kang Chan-ho
The author is an editorial writer of the JoongAng Ilbo.
President Yoon Suk Yeol’s recent declaration of emergency martial law has left many baffled. Many are wondering why Yoon deemed martial law a necessary response to the current political climate, considering that over the past two and a half years, the Democratic Party (DP) persistently sought to impeach top officials and pass controversial legislation. According to figures close to the ruling People Power Party (PPP) and the administration, the real catalyst may have been the animosity toward former PPP Chairman Han Dong-hoon, rather than the DP’s actions.
“The presidential office must have conducted a secret probe into Han,” speculated a former multi-term lawmaker. “But nothing came up [...] I heard that Yoon was furious when Han suggested the party might support an independent counsel investigation into [first lady] Kim Keon Hee. Yoon despises Han but cannot act against him legally, so he may have mobilized the military as a way to destroy him. It is telling that Han was the only ruling party politician listed for arrest by martial law troops.”
There is broad consensus within the ruling party that the Yoon-Han conflict marks both the beginning and the end of the Yoon administration’s steep decline after only two and a half years. The Han leadership suffered a fatal blow on Dec. 16, just 140 days into its tenure, when Supreme Council members Jang Dong-hyuk and Jin Jong-oh — both allies of Han — resigned under pressure from pro-Yoon politicians.
Initially, Supreme Council members Ihn Yo-han and Kim Jae-won, both Yoon allies, hesitated to resign as floor leader Kweon Seong-dong sought to dissuade them. However, the resignation of pro-Yoon members ultimately forced Jang and Jin to step down, observers said.
Jang and Jin claimed their resignations were to take responsibility for the impeachment crisis, but rumors spread that they succumbed to immense pressure from pro-Yoon forces. “The pro-Yoon faction applied relentless pressure through covert investigations,” said a PPP insider. “In Jang’s case, hard core Yoon supporters from his constituency of Boryeong and Seocheon likely protested the impeachment. Additionally, Yoon reportedly called pro-Yoon members of the Supreme Council to criticize Han, intensifying the pressure on his leadership and contributing to its collapse.”
Yoon’s allies have vowed to identify and punish the 12 lawmakers who voted for impeachment and investigate PPP controversies, including issues surrounding its internet bulletin board. These efforts appear aimed at bringing Han before the Ethics Committee and expelling him from the party. Not content with ousting Han from leadership, they seek to remove him entirely from the PPP’s roster of potential candidates, particularly in the event of a snap presidential election.
As a result of this exclusionary approach, the PPP risks becoming a regional party akin to the “United Liberal Democrats of Yeongnam,” representing only hard core supporters in Daegu and North Gyeongsang — just 20 percent of the electorate. While self-destructive, this strategy reflects a survivalist mindset. Yoon’s allies prioritize maintaining their control over nomination power, even if it means sacrificing the party’s broader viability.
Though some may note that three and a half years remain until the next general elections, local elections are only a year and a half away. Yoon’s allies aim to secure nominations for mayoral, gubernatorial and legislative posts under their faction’s control. If a snap presidential election results in an opposition victory, maintaining the Yoon regime’s structure could bolster their prospects for a comeback in local elections, particularly if the opposition leader faces declining popularity. Under Han’s leadership, however, Yoon’s allies fear losing nomination power and the associated political clout.
The PPP now stands at a crossroads. It must decide whether to align with Yoon, whose declaration of martial law has alienated the public, or distance itself from his administration and rebuild as a party inclusive of conservatives and centrists.
Choosing the latter path will undoubtedly provoke condemnation as “traitors” from hard core supporters. Yet refusing to take this step risks the PPP’s collapse. In such a scenario, the DP could rebrand itself as the dominant conservative force, leaving far-left and pro-North factions to define progressivism in Korean politics.
President Yoon Suk Yeol’s recent declaration of emergency martial law has left many baffled. Many are wondering why Yoon deemed martial law a necessary response to the current political climate, considering that over the past two and a half years, the Democratic Party (DP) persistently sought to impeach top officials and pass controversial legislation. According to figures close to the ruling People Power Party (PPP) and the administration, the real catalyst may have been the animosity toward former PPP Chairman Han Dong-hoon, rather than the DP’s actions.
“The presidential office must have conducted a secret probe into Han,” speculated a former multi-term lawmaker. “But nothing came up [...] I heard that Yoon was furious when Han suggested the party might support an independent counsel investigation into [first lady] Kim Keon Hee. Yoon despises Han but cannot act against him legally, so he may have mobilized the military as a way to destroy him. It is telling that Han was the only ruling party politician listed for arrest by martial law troops.”
There is broad consensus within the ruling party that the Yoon-Han conflict marks both the beginning and the end of the Yoon administration’s steep decline after only two and a half years. The Han leadership suffered a fatal blow on Dec. 16, just 140 days into its tenure, when Supreme Council members Jang Dong-hyuk and Jin Jong-oh — both allies of Han — resigned under pressure from pro-Yoon politicians.
Initially, Supreme Council members Ihn Yo-han and Kim Jae-won, both Yoon allies, hesitated to resign as floor leader Kweon Seong-dong sought to dissuade them. However, the resignation of pro-Yoon members ultimately forced Jang and Jin to step down, observers said.
Jang and Jin claimed their resignations were to take responsibility for the impeachment crisis, but rumors spread that they succumbed to immense pressure from pro-Yoon forces. “The pro-Yoon faction applied relentless pressure through covert investigations,” said a PPP insider. “In Jang’s case, hard core Yoon supporters from his constituency of Boryeong and Seocheon likely protested the impeachment. Additionally, Yoon reportedly called pro-Yoon members of the Supreme Council to criticize Han, intensifying the pressure on his leadership and contributing to its collapse.”
Yoon’s allies have vowed to identify and punish the 12 lawmakers who voted for impeachment and investigate PPP controversies, including issues surrounding its internet bulletin board. These efforts appear aimed at bringing Han before the Ethics Committee and expelling him from the party. Not content with ousting Han from leadership, they seek to remove him entirely from the PPP’s roster of potential candidates, particularly in the event of a snap presidential election.
As a result of this exclusionary approach, the PPP risks becoming a regional party akin to the “United Liberal Democrats of Yeongnam,” representing only hard core supporters in Daegu and North Gyeongsang — just 20 percent of the electorate. While self-destructive, this strategy reflects a survivalist mindset. Yoon’s allies prioritize maintaining their control over nomination power, even if it means sacrificing the party’s broader viability.
Though some may note that three and a half years remain until the next general elections, local elections are only a year and a half away. Yoon’s allies aim to secure nominations for mayoral, gubernatorial and legislative posts under their faction’s control. If a snap presidential election results in an opposition victory, maintaining the Yoon regime’s structure could bolster their prospects for a comeback in local elections, particularly if the opposition leader faces declining popularity. Under Han’s leadership, however, Yoon’s allies fear losing nomination power and the associated political clout.
The PPP now stands at a crossroads. It must decide whether to align with Yoon, whose declaration of martial law has alienated the public, or distance itself from his administration and rebuild as a party inclusive of conservatives and centrists.
Choosing the latter path will undoubtedly provoke condemnation as “traitors” from hard core supporters. Yet refusing to take this step risks the PPP’s collapse. In such a scenario, the DP could rebrand itself as the dominant conservative force, leaving far-left and pro-North factions to define progressivism in Korean politics.
with the Korea JoongAng Daily
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