Finance Ministry accused of 'selling out' Yoon after acting president Choi appoints justices

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Finance Ministry accused of 'selling out' Yoon after acting president Choi appoints justices

Published: 02 Jan. 2025, 16:24 Updated: 02 Jan. 2025, 19:13

LIM JEONG-WON
[email protected]

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Acting President Choi Sang-mok, right, and Chief of Staff of the presidential office Chung Jin-suk speak on the sidelines of a new year's event at the Seoul National Cemetary on Jan. 1. [JOINT PRESS CORPS]

Acting President Choi Sang-mok's controversial appointment of two Constitutional Court justices on Tuesday ignited an intra-Cabinet shouting match, with some members vociferously accusing Choi of overstepping his authority amid concern over the decision's impact on both the ruling party and potential early presidential elections.

On Dec. 31, Choi postponed a Cabinet meeting scheduled for 10 a.m. to 4:30 p.m. and instructed a small number of staffers to simultaneously prepare manuscripts for appointing — and not appointing — Constitutional Court justices.

Then, around 1 p.m. that day, Choi observed a meeting between National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-shik and the leaders of the Democratic Party (DP) and the People Power Party (PPP). When the meeting yielded little progress regarding consultations on the Constitutional Court picks, Choi immediately announced the appointment of the justices that afternoon.

When Primes Minister Han Duck-soo was acting president, Choi met Han with Bank of Korea Gov. Lee Chang-yong and urged him to appoint Constitutional Court justices quickly. "The country and the economy are in trouble, and appointments need to be made to end the uncertainty,” he said.

“Choi initially thought that holding out on the appointments would change nothing and that political uncertainty and the economic crisis would only increase,” a key government official said. “He also thought that we should end the controversy over vetoing the two special prosecutor bills and the appointment of Constitutional Court justices together to welcome the new year.”

The two special prosecutor bills include one probing Yoon's role in the Dec. 3 declaration of martial law, while the other would investigate allegations against first lady Kim Keon Hee.

In particular, Education Minister Lee Ju-ho's status as next in line as acting president should Choi also be impeached — a very real possibility had he refused to appoint Constitutional Court justices — reportedly influenced the decision.

At the Cabinet meeting, Choi cited the “urgency of preventing a potential economic and livelihood crisis” as the reason for appointing the justices. Concern about Lee taking on the acting president role was also apparent at the Finance Ministry, according to sources.

“The won-dollar exchange rate near 1,500 won, soaring to the level of the [1997] foreign exchange crisis, and there was a strong sense of skepticism that a Lee-led leadership could overcome the situation,” said a senior government official. “Acting President Choi also thought he shouldn't let things go that far.”

Since Choi assumed the acting position on Dec. 27, the presidential office and the PPP have repeatedly asked him to hold off on the appointments. However, Choi’s people say Yoon's aides and the ruling party presented little in the way of a political road map or negotiation strategies beyond simply asking the acting president to hold the line.

Some also point to Choi’s bureaucratic background and nature. Observers argue that as a former bureaucrat, Choi is naturally more sensitive to drifts in political power, administration changes and organizational stability.

Choi also previously worked as a secretary in ex-President Park Geun-hye's Blue House and was investigated by the prosecution when that presidency was mired in scandal.

“When Choi was working as the chief economic secretary in Yongsan, he did not take extensive notes, as he was afraid that it could be used as evidence in a future investigation,” said a former senior official at the presidential office.

“Choi was Yoon’s most cherished aide,” said a senior PPP official, adding with frustration, “If he had held out longer, wouldn’t the ruling party have had more room to negotiate?”

Tuesday's Cabinet meeting, when Choi’s decision to appoint the two Constitutional Court justices was announced, was followed by chaotic follow-up discussions.

Since Choi’s decision had not been disclosed beforehand, some Cabinet meeting attendees strongly protested the move. “Why are you making decisions in secret without any consultations?” they asked. “How can Choi make decisions that even Han couldn’t make?”

Labor Minister Kim Moon-soo, Science Minister Yoo Sang-im, Chairman of the National Human Rights Commission Yoo Cheol-hwan, Acting Chairman of the Korea Communications Commission Kim Tae-gyu and Minister of Government Legislation Lee Wan-kyu were among the officials who vehemently protested.

“I concede that there are aspects of overstepping my authority, and I am prepared to resign — I made this decision alone,” Choi responded before storming out of the meeting, his eyes bloodshot.

The meeting ended when Environment Minister Kim Wan-seop, also a former Finance Ministry bureaucrat, followed Choi out.

One person who attended the Cabinet meeting that day criticized Choi in a phone call with JoongAng Ilbo, an affiliate of the Korea JoongAng Daily.

"In the end, the Finance Ministry mafia sold out the Yoon government,” he said.

The presidential office and PPP's ferocious opposition to appointing Constitutional Court justices stems from their belief that doing so “has laid the groundwork for DP leader Lee Jae-myung’s election as president.”

With Choi’s decision, the Constitutional Court now has an eight-member bench, putting the court on firmer ground to try and sentence Yoon. With Lee Jae-myung in legal trouble, an early presidential election has become more likely.

Some point out that Choi’s selective appointment of only two out of three candidates for Constitutional Court justices was a favor to both the ruling and opposition parties.

“The Constitution states that the National Assembly appoints three of the nine Constitutional Court justices,” said Rep. Kang Yu-jung, the DP's floor spokesperson. “Nowhere in the Constitution does it say there must be an agreement between the ruling and opposition parties.”

Amid the political fireworks, the presidential office announced on Wednesday that all senior staff, including Chief of Staff Chung Jin-suk, have expressed their intention to resign. The presidential office and the Finance Ministry have also played tug-of-war over accepting Chung’s resignation.

The presidential office said it understood Chung’s resignation was accepted Wednesday morning, but the Finance Ministry said all resignations had been rejected.

Chung was also considering not coming to work starting Wednesday, a senior presidential official said.

He added, “If Chung resigns, all senior staff members might leave the presidential office regardless of whether their resignations are accepted.”

BY PARK TAE-IN, LIM JEONG-WON [[email protected]]