To break the cycle, change the system
Published: 14 Jan. 2025, 00:02
Kang Won-taek
The author is professor of political science and international relations at Seoul National University.
A month has passed since President Yoon Suk Yeol was impeached for his role in the controversial martial law declaration that shook the nation. The aftermath has been unsettling: public anxiety has risen, the economy has slowed and the usual end-of-year celebrations have been muted. South Korea’s international image has also taken a hit. This chaos, born of poor political decisions, has left the political landscape largely unchanged. Instead of addressing the crisis, the two major political parties have doubled down on their partisan rivalries. Hostility, hatred and divisive politics are visible on the streets. It’s hard to fathom what President Yoon hoped to achieve through such reckless actions.
What makes this episode even more disheartening is the sense that nothing will change, regardless of how it ends. During President Park Geun-hye’s impeachment in 2016, there was hope that the crisis would usher in a new political order. No such optimism exists now. While it is expected that the Constitutional Court will uphold the impeachment, a rejection would plunge the nation into chaos. A president whose legitimacy is not recognized by the majority of the public would face daily opposition, leaving the nation in constant turmoil. Even if the impeachment is upheld, there is little hope that it will address the systemic issues that led to this crisis or serve as a fresh start for Korean politics.
If a new president is elected following a by-election, the political dynamics are unlikely to change. The victor, even if elected with less than 50 percent of the vote or by a slim margin, will likely interpret their victory as a mandate for absolute power. This “winner-takes-all” mentality will resurface, and if the ruling party also holds a parliamentary majority, an extraordinary concentration of power will occur, setting the stage for fresh conflicts. Meanwhile, the supporters of the losing candidate will immediately begin plotting the president’s impeachment, mirroring the current political climate under President Yoon.
Initially buoyed by high approval ratings, the new president will face inevitable declines in public support midway through their term. A poor showing in midterm elections would politically weaken the president and embolden the opposition. If the ruling party loses its majority in the National Assembly, the opposition will likely use tactics similar to those employed by the Democratic Party (DP) last year, escalating pressure on the president.
Historically, divided governments have been common since Korea’s democratization in 1988, yet they did not lead to political paralysis. Opposition parties traditionally played their role of checking and criticizing the government without overstepping. Even when disagreements arose, measures like passing motions for the dismissal of cabinet members or reducing symbolic budget items were the norm.
However, last year the DP abandoned restraint. It unilaterally pursued its legislative agenda, bypassed the president’s authority with numerous impeachment motions and eliminated entire budget items rather than merely making symbolic cuts. The opposition effectively became a second governing force, sparking unprecedented tensions between the executive and legislative branches. This struggle culminated in the president’s deployment of military forces and the legislature’s impeachment motion — both extreme measures. Moving forward, any divided government risks escalating to a similar confrontation, as opposition-controlled legislatures are unlikely to exercise restraint, potentially leading to another catastrophic showdown.
Ultimately, Korea finds itself trapped in the same cycle of polarization and conflict, despite having endured such a dramatic upheaval. Removing one reckless leader may address immediate grievances, but it does nothing to resolve the structural flaws plaguing the political system. This inability to grow or improve after such profound turmoil is deeply troubling. Like a child who grows stronger after illness, a nation should emerge better from its challenges. Yet, Korea appears incapable of such progress.
How much longer must we endure this dysfunctional political system? The time has come to fundamentally overhaul the 1987 constitutional framework, which no longer serves the needs of the nation.
Translated using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.
The author is professor of political science and international relations at Seoul National University.
A month has passed since President Yoon Suk Yeol was impeached for his role in the controversial martial law declaration that shook the nation. The aftermath has been unsettling: public anxiety has risen, the economy has slowed and the usual end-of-year celebrations have been muted. South Korea’s international image has also taken a hit. This chaos, born of poor political decisions, has left the political landscape largely unchanged. Instead of addressing the crisis, the two major political parties have doubled down on their partisan rivalries. Hostility, hatred and divisive politics are visible on the streets. It’s hard to fathom what President Yoon hoped to achieve through such reckless actions.
What makes this episode even more disheartening is the sense that nothing will change, regardless of how it ends. During President Park Geun-hye’s impeachment in 2016, there was hope that the crisis would usher in a new political order. No such optimism exists now. While it is expected that the Constitutional Court will uphold the impeachment, a rejection would plunge the nation into chaos. A president whose legitimacy is not recognized by the majority of the public would face daily opposition, leaving the nation in constant turmoil. Even if the impeachment is upheld, there is little hope that it will address the systemic issues that led to this crisis or serve as a fresh start for Korean politics.
If a new president is elected following a by-election, the political dynamics are unlikely to change. The victor, even if elected with less than 50 percent of the vote or by a slim margin, will likely interpret their victory as a mandate for absolute power. This “winner-takes-all” mentality will resurface, and if the ruling party also holds a parliamentary majority, an extraordinary concentration of power will occur, setting the stage for fresh conflicts. Meanwhile, the supporters of the losing candidate will immediately begin plotting the president’s impeachment, mirroring the current political climate under President Yoon.
Initially buoyed by high approval ratings, the new president will face inevitable declines in public support midway through their term. A poor showing in midterm elections would politically weaken the president and embolden the opposition. If the ruling party loses its majority in the National Assembly, the opposition will likely use tactics similar to those employed by the Democratic Party (DP) last year, escalating pressure on the president.
Historically, divided governments have been common since Korea’s democratization in 1988, yet they did not lead to political paralysis. Opposition parties traditionally played their role of checking and criticizing the government without overstepping. Even when disagreements arose, measures like passing motions for the dismissal of cabinet members or reducing symbolic budget items were the norm.
However, last year the DP abandoned restraint. It unilaterally pursued its legislative agenda, bypassed the president’s authority with numerous impeachment motions and eliminated entire budget items rather than merely making symbolic cuts. The opposition effectively became a second governing force, sparking unprecedented tensions between the executive and legislative branches. This struggle culminated in the president’s deployment of military forces and the legislature’s impeachment motion — both extreme measures. Moving forward, any divided government risks escalating to a similar confrontation, as opposition-controlled legislatures are unlikely to exercise restraint, potentially leading to another catastrophic showdown.
Ultimately, Korea finds itself trapped in the same cycle of polarization and conflict, despite having endured such a dramatic upheaval. Removing one reckless leader may address immediate grievances, but it does nothing to resolve the structural flaws plaguing the political system. This inability to grow or improve after such profound turmoil is deeply troubling. Like a child who grows stronger after illness, a nation should emerge better from its challenges. Yet, Korea appears incapable of such progress.
How much longer must we endure this dysfunctional political system? The time has come to fundamentally overhaul the 1987 constitutional framework, which no longer serves the needs of the nation.
Translated using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.
with the Korea JoongAng Daily
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