The dilemma of YouTube-driven politics

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The dilemma of YouTube-driven politics

Chin Jung-kwon
 
The author is a professor at Kwangwoon University 
 
“Legacy media is biased these days. Just watch well-organized YouTube channels.” This was reportedly a remark by President Yoon Suk Yeol to ruling party lawmakers who visited him on Jan. 15. Traditionally, objectivity and fairness are hallmarks of legacy media, while partisanship and bias define YouTube content. However, the president’s statement appears to reverse this dynamic, signaling that politics may have already abandoned the “public sphere.” Notably, this phenomenon isn’t exclusive to the ruling party. The opposition succumbed earlier to YouTube-driven politics, epitomized by figures like Kim Ou-joon. Now, a more intense and radical version of the same dynamic is manifesting within the ruling bloc.
 
What was once relegated to the periphery — YouTube personalities — has now seized the center stage, engulfing not only political parties but even the president. Consequently, the “martial law” of military dictatorship days has resurfaced as a grim reality. The attack on the Seoul Western District Court serves as a chilling testament to this reality. The ruling party’s decisions and actions are now dictated by YouTube-fueled agitation rather than deliberative discourse. In this delusional “crusade to save the nation,” the core responsibilities of politics, like addressing citizens’ livelihoods, have vanished. In essence, politics has migrated from the realm of logic and reality into a realm of pure imagination.
 
Appearing before the Constitutional Court, President Yoon declared, “Claims of election fraud are not conspiracy theories.” Logical rebuttals are futile in such cases. Figures like Democratic Party (DP) leader Lee Jae-myung and U.S. President Donald Trump have also made election fraud claims. However, neither of them genuinely believed their assertions. In contrast, Yoon’s complete belief in this falsehood led him to deploy martial law forces to the National Election Commission (NEC) — a troubling difference.
 
This delusion has dragged the entire ruling party into a quagmire. Party leadership indulged far-right YouTubers: Acting Chairman Kwon Young-se distributed gifts to these “patriots,” and floor leader Kwon Seong-dong elevated them to the status of “alternative media.” Kwon rejected calls for distancing from extreme right-wingers, dismissing the suggestion as “inappropriate.”
 
Recent polls showing higher approval ratings for the ruling party have emboldened its leadership. However, this perception is misleading. Comparing DP and People Power Party (PPP) approval ratings without accounting for the splintered minor parties offers little meaningful insight. In most surveys, public sentiment still favors a change in government over extending the current one by 7–8 percentage points. A Realmeter poll is the exception, showing a slim 2.4-point lead for the ruling bloc. However, the respondent pool in that poll was skewed, with 1.64 times more conservative respondents than progressives — hardly reflective of broader sentiment.
 
The ruling party’s base has narrowed to hard-core supporters. Reliance on YouTube-driven propaganda, such as the claim by YouTuber Ko Seong-guk that “centrists don’t exist,” has caused conservatives to lose sight of substantial issues. In such a scenario, maintaining approval ratings requires sustaining this hard-core base through conspiracy theories. Lawmaker Yoon Sang-hyun exemplifies this trend with his rhetoric on the “three cartels threatening Korea’s system: pro-North leftist cartels, a corrupt election commission cartel and a leftist judicial cartel.” Such narratives conveniently justify egregious actions like martial law, assaults on the NEC and terrorizing the judiciary.
 
Polls also reveal widespread distrust and unease about Lee Jae-myung, the main beneficiary of the current turmoil. While Yoon’s reckoning is already underway, public dissatisfaction with Lee underscores that his time for judgment is imminent. The ruling party may aim to shift the narrative from “judging Yoon Suk Yeol” to “judging Lee Jae-myung.” However, such a shift will remain elusive without clear distancing from far-right agitators and the president’s controversial actions.
 
Did anyone vote for Yoon out of genuine admiration? In a choice between a petty criminal and a prosecutor, the latter seemed preferable. Similarly, will people vote for Lee because they like him? Between a petty criminal and someone guilty of treason, the answer seems clear.
 
The ruling party’s current approval ratings reflect consolidation among hard-core supporters. Yet, such a narrow base cannot secure victory in a presidential election. This is the dilemma of YouTube-driven politics — should a party persuade its base with logic or pander to their delusions? The ruling party appears to have chosen the easier path.  
 
 
Translated using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.
 
 
 
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