Toward a politics of moderation

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Toward a politics of moderation

Sohn In-joo
 
The author is a professor at the department of political science and international relations at Seoul National University. 
 
Korea is currently facing a political crisis comparable to the 1997 International Monetary Fund (IMF) economic crisis. Protests both for and against martial law and the impeachment of the president are creating chaos, but at the same time, they present an exceptional opportunity for political reform. There is a growing consensus that the nation’s broken political system must be fixed. During the IMF crisis, Korea endured mass layoffs and corporate bankruptcies, overcoming severe restructuring to emerge as an information and communications technology (ICT) powerhouse. Now, it is time for political restructuring. Shedding outdated frameworks and establishing a new political system that decentralizes power and institutionalizes cooperative governance will lay the foundation for Korea’s next leap forward.
  
No need for democratic skepticism 
The international environment confronting Korea’s dynamic democracy is far from favorable. The emphasis on civilizational diversity has strengthened opposition to international intervention in domestic affairs. China, a leading authoritarian state, has promoted civilizational diversity to challenge the universality of liberal democracy. Recently, Beijing has escalated its ideological offensive, asserting the superiority of its developmental model over Western paradigms, thereby intensifying global systemic competition. Simultaneously, voices advocating for a return to national traditions, cultures and religions as solutions to the moral and social crises induced by Western individualism are growing louder. Meanwhile, the return of Donald Trump to the U.S. presidency could further destabilize America’s democratic system.
 
Nonetheless, there is no reason to succumb to democratic pessimism. Winston Churchill famously remarked, “Democracy is the worst form of government except for all those other forms that have been tried from time to time.” Despite its flaws, democracy remains the best system we have known. Non-democratic regimes, too, suffer from stark discrepancies between their ideals and reality, drawing significant criticism. The human rights abuses, media suppression and corruption endemic to authoritarian governments are well-documented. There is no reason to be passively swayed by skepticism about democracy.
 
A nation founded on a liberal international order
Deep in the Korean psyche lies a fervor for global engagement, whether through Buddhism, Confucianism or Christianity. Koreans aspire toward universal civilization while remaining open to modifying the means to achieve it. The critical issue is that change must be driven by accumulated wisdom and experience from past generations. Transformation must be rooted in continuity.
 
Korea has built and maintained a liberal constitutional democracy founded on universal values such as freedom, democracy and the rule of law. This national identity runs consistently from the March 1 Independence Declaration to the Korean Constitution. The Constitution’s preamble embodies the spirit of the March 1 Movement and its commitment to “contributing to permanent world peace and the co-prosperity of humankind.”
 
Korea’s political evolution and identity must be examined from a global perspective. Ahn Do-gyeong, a professor at Seoul National University’s department of political science and international relations and co-author of the National Future Strategy Institute’s report New Korea-Japan Cooperation for a Global Korea, argues, “Korea’s positive trajectory in modern history is deeply tied to the establishment of the liberal international order.” The March 1 Movement, which called for the founding of an independent republic, was bolstered by U.S. President Woodrow Wilson’s principle of national self-determination. Likewise, the 1943 Cairo Declaration’s endorsement of Korean independence was part of the broader liberal internationalist movement shaping the postwar order.
 
The United Nations’ military intervention during the Korean War in 1950 was not merely a military action but the first concrete manifestation of a collective security system rooted in the liberal world order. Korea’s economic growth and democratization were also achieved in cooperation with the international community, benefiting from the liberal international system. However, Korea has not been a mere beneficiary. Throughout its history — spanning the Korean War, economic development and democratization — Koreans have not only pursued their own interests but have also contributed to upholding universal values. In doing so, Korea has demonstrated to other postcolonial nations that freedom, democracy and economic prosperity can coexist.
 
Resilient and flexible politics of moderation
Korea, once praised as a model of dynamic democracy, is now experiencing a severe trial. The virtues of inclusivity and restraint — fundamental to democracy — are vanishing. To reform Korean politics, “moderation" must be emphasized. Aurelian Craiutu, a professor at Indiana University, defines moderation as "a virtue for courageous minds." Historically, the politics of moderation has struggled to gain popularity, often criticized as lacking charisma, appearing indecisive or being opportunistic.
 
However, Prof. Craiutu argues that moderation is not a passive stance but an active virtue playing a crucial role in political thought and systems. Without moderation, politics risks descending into fanaticism and extremism. True moderation is not mere compromise but a responsible political stance that reinforces constitutional values and a liberal society’s self-correcting mechanisms. It is closely linked to constitutionalism and stands in contrast to the "politics of faith," which claims absolute certainty, advocating instead for a "politics of skepticism" that acknowledges the limitations of personal beliefs. Moderation seeks not just small truths but greater, more enduring wisdom. It is not simple centrism but a resilient and adaptable political virtue.
 
For Korea to be loved, it must be lovable
If another country unjustly infringes upon the freedoms and rights of Korean citizens, Korea must respond according to the law. When foreign actors secretly meddle in Korean politics through illicit funding, economic coercion, disinformation or other means, a resolute response is necessary. Firmness against unlawful foreign interference is essential for upholding national dignity and order. While pragmatic in execution, principles must remain steadfast. A principled pluralistic approach ensures Korea’s ability to coexist with other nations while safeguarding its liberal constitutional democracy.
 
The British political philosopher Edmund Burke once said, “To make us love our country, our country ought to be lovely.” Korea faces another major crisis, this time political rather than economic. This crisis presents an opportunity for political reform. The road ahead may be painful and uncertain, but it must be taken. Korea must establish a political system that is not swayed by extremist minorities. Let us believe in the resilience of the Korean people and continue the legacy of struggle and achievement that has defined the past 150 years. This is our responsibility to the next generation — to leave them a nation worthy of their love.
 
Translated using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff. 
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