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Korea and America cannot give up

Published: 07 Mar. 2025, 00:01

Michael Green

The author is CEO of the U.S. Studies Centre at the University of Sydney and the Henry A. Kissinger Chair at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS).

A decade ago, there was still enthusiasm about the vision of an “East Asia community” formed around a common purpose like the European Union (EU). But the question always arose: based on what values? The EU shares the same set of broad democratic values, while Asia then and now contains a much more diversified array of political systems. Some, at the time, argued that it was better to sidestep such divisive and Western-imposed political ideologies and instead focus on broad Asian values. But what are those Asian values? To find out, we at CSIS conducted a survey of thought leaders across 10 countries in the Indo-Pacific. What we found was that outside of China and Singapore, there was very strong support for human rights, free and fair elections and good governance. But when we asked how important it was to avoid interfering in other countries' internal affairs, there was a clear split. Respondents from advanced industrial democracies — Korea, Japan, Australia, the United States — all replied that the principle of noninterference should not be a priority. However, respondents from postcolonial or developing states like India, Indonesia or Thailand tended to respond that the principle of noninterference remained important.

Chinese scholars and diplomats today argue that democracy is not suited for Asian culture, which is completely wrong, as the democratization of so many states over the past four decades has demonstrated. Yet at the same time, there is still a strong sensitivity about sovereignty among states whose borders were often defined by the former imperial powers. How then to forge a common approach to supporting democracy abroad for the majority of states in the region?

The 18th East Asia Summit as part of the 43rd Asean Summit in Jakarta on Sep. 7, 2023 [JOINT PRESS CORPS]

That has been the driving question behind the Sunnylands Initiative — an annual stocktaking and strategy session by two dozen of the most influential thinkers on democratic governance from democracies across the Indo-Pacific. The initiative began in 2020 in Sunnylands, California, and has convened in Korea, Japan, Australia and then last week in Indonesia.

The 2025 convening in Indonesia was bittersweet. There was remarkably good news but always accompanied by some bad news about how quickly the large majority of people in Asia who aspire for democracy and accountable governments will see progress.

For example, in 2024 more people voted in Asia (and the world) than ever before in human history. Most of the elections — in Indonesia, Japan, the United States and India — were free and fair with the absence of violence and a peaceful transfer of power. Yet, at the same time, people often voted for the candidate who was least committed to democratic norms and most determined to amass power after being elected. In Indonesia President Prabowo Subianto has sparked large-scale protests as he slashes budgets and allows the military back into government and business in ways not seen since democratization 25 years ago. In the United States, President Donald Trump has fired military leaders, scores of Justice Department officials and, potentially, thousands of government workers in the name of budget-cutting, but with the clear intent of centralizing more power in the executive. Interestingly, both presidents received surprisingly high levels of support from young voters.

Why is this happening? It could be that voters are impatient for change but governments are more constrained by budget deficits, aging societies and other drags on the social welfare state. So, the voters choose “outsiders” who can shake up the system. Whether the voters are happy with the results remains to be seen, as Trump’s polling numbers are sliding and Prabowo is contending with national protests. But we are in an era of strongmen to be sure.

Meanwhile, the gathering in Indonesia revealed that support for democracy in Asia is no longer just an American effort but one being advanced from within the region with new energy. Korea and Japan have been particularly active, with the formation of a Japanese democracy caucus in the Diet and platforms by nongovernment organizations to promote democratic norms and offer sanctuary for democratic activists at risk elsewhere in Asia.

Leaders of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) countries pose for a photo during the APEC summit in Lima, Peru, on Nov. 16, 2024. [JOINT PRESS CORPS]

In Korea, scholars and former officials have formed an Indo-Pacific democracy forum to raise interest in supporting the region’s democratic governance and helping activate public and private sector funding for such efforts. These initiatives compliment the traditional efforts of the U.S. National Endowment for Democracy or Freedom House but do so from within the region, and therefore, with big interest from Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands. Democracy activists within the region also noted in the gathering that Korea and Japan's embassies are increasingly visible in support of human rights and democracy, an important boost to the historic efforts of the North American and European embassies — again because it is from within the region.

Yet, many gathered in Indonesia were alarmed at President Trump’s radical cutting of U.S. government support for democracy, development and human rights. While the U.S. approach is not always seen as fit for the region, there is clear understanding that without the United States, a vacuum will open that China will try to fill with renewed arguments that democracy is incompatible with Asian values. There were also concerns about whether Korea’s domestic political crisis could cause a retreat from Seoul’s increasingly visible support for democratic norms. While President Yoon may have sparked a domestic democracy crisis in Korea, his government nevertheless deserves credit for increasing Korea’s visibility in the region across all diplomatic issues, including support for democratic norms. A retreat now by Korea would be deflating for many working to strengthen democracy across the region.

Democratic partnership among like-minded states in the Indo-Pacific remains vital, and the democratic dividend is clear: democracies deliver greater security, economic growth and global prosperity than any other form of governance. And Korea has a particularly important role to play as an example of a nation that went through a democratic transition within Asia and came out of it with stronger democratic institutions, a respected and powerful military and a strong and innovative economy. Korea has much to offer to the region in this area and one can only hope that the domestic drama does not distract too much from Seoul’s leadership. Indeed, as the United States struggles with its own internal political disruptions, the region will need Korea more than ever.