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Korea without a president and the remarkable changes it brought

Published: 25 Mar. 2025, 00:02 Updated: 26 Mar. 2025, 17:33

Seo Seung-wook

The author is the editor of political, international, foreign and security news at the JoongAng Ilbo.

President Yoon Suk Yeol, whose duties were suspended after his impeachment, is said to have privately expressed discontent, aimed at Kweon Seong-dong, floor leader of the People Power Party (PPP), and Kwon Young-se, the party’s interim leader. His frustration stemmed from their comments before visiting him at the Seoul Detention Center on the 3rd of last month, in which they drew a clear line by saying they were going “in a personal capacity.”

There were even rumors in political circles that Yoon made blunt remarks to the two right to their faces. At first, it seemed unthinkable that he would say something so shameless — but recalling the clenched fist he raised to supporters outside the detention center, it didn’t seem entirely out of character.

President Yoon is not the only one displeased with the so-called “double-Kweon leadership.” Hardline party members who have rallied behind the slogan “Unconditionally oppose impeachment” have bombarded the two leaders with texts branding them “traitors.” The stress has reportedly taken a physical toll — Kweon Seong-dong is said to have developed sores on his lips.

President Yoon Suk Yeol is driven to the Seoul Detention Center after being questioned at the headquarters of the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials in Gwacheon, Gyeonggi, on Jan. 15. [JOINT PRESS CORPS]

Until now, both men have maintained some distance from both the “asphalt conservatives” — far-right demonstrators — and from Yoon himself. Their tone and style stand in contrast to the radical lawmakers who frequented right-wing rallies. Unlike Yoon, who sees everything in black and white, the two have to weigh multiple variables. They must steer the party toward survival, factoring in the possibility of the Constitutional Court upholding the impeachment and an early presidential election. They must also lead the party with strategic intelligence, avoiding the stigma of being labeled “far-right extremists.”

The PPP, brought to ruin by the shock of Yoon’s sudden downfall, has managed to remain competitive against the Democratic Party — thanks in no small part to the efforts of these two leaders. Kweon Seong-dong, in particular, has played a pivotal role in holding the party together since the early days of the impeachment crisis.

Kweon, a key figure from the pro-Lee Myung-bak (MB) faction, began his political career as a legal affairs secretary in the MB Blue House. His political DNA is shaped by MB’s pragmatism and focus on the Seoul metropolitan region, in contrast with the pro-Park Geun-hye faction, which was rooted in the ideology-heavy Yeongnam region. His relative moderation appeals to centrist voters — the decisive swing bloc in any early election. Though considered one of the “Yoon core” insiders, Kweon’s reputation for pragmatism has kept him from being pigeonholed.

Conservative People Power Party floor leader Kweon Seong-dong, left, National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-shik, center, and liberal Democratic Party floor leader Park Chan-dae hold documents listing agreed provisions for the national pension scheme at the National Assembly in western Seoul on March 20. [NEWS1]

While Kweon leads the party, Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok has taken the reins of government. Together, they have ushered in a political climate distinctly different from the unilateral rule of President Yoon. One notable outcome: pension reform. After 18 years of deadlock, the National Pension Service is finally undergoing structural changes. In the absence of the president, the ruling and opposition parties, along with government officials, managed to reach a dramatic compromise — each side giving ground in earnest negotiations. It was a sharp contrast to the deadlock under Yoon, who had insisted on pairing reform with sweeping “structural overhauls,” leaving little room for consensus. Despite criticism that the reform is “half-baked” or a case of “kicking the can down the road,” it is still a meaningful step toward cooperative politics.

Other long-stalled policy matters are also beginning to move. Education Minister Lee Ju-ho, now empowered with full authority from Acting President Choi, has teamed up with Kweon to reach a breakthrough: a compromise plan to increase the annual medical school enrollment quota to 3,058 students by 2026. Even the hardliners in the presidential office and the Ministry of Health and Welfare, sometimes referred to as “Taliban” for their inflexible stance, failed to block the agreement. Had Yoon — who once insisted on “no less than 2,000 additional seats, even if it kills me” — remained in power, such a deal would have been unthinkable.

The conversation around constitutional reform has also gained momentum. Senior lawmakers from both parties and pro-reform legislators have begun calling with one voice for an end to the outdated system established in 1987. Political debate has grown freer and more vibrant than ever. Remarkably, all this has happened simply because the president was suspended from duty.

To be sure, there are challenges in the president’s absence — especially in areas such as U.S. trade relations and diplomacy, where strong presidential leadership is essential. But on domestic matters, at least, the vacuum left by a hyper-presidential governing style is being filled by ministerial responsibility and bipartisan cooperation. This strengthens the argument for a constitutional amendment toward a semi-presidential system, in which the president handles foreign affairs while the prime minister and National Assembly manage domestic issues.

What do you make of these 100 days without the a Korean “monarch?” The heavy price paid by the public must now serve as a catalyst for constitutional reform and power-sharing.

Translated using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.