The Assembly must begin discussions on constitutional reform now

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The Assembly must begin discussions on constitutional reform now

Published: 03 Apr. 2025, 00:00

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

The Constitutional Court flag is seen in front of the court building in Jongno District, central Seoul, on Marh 27. [CHUN MIN-KYU]

On Friday morning, the Constitutional Court will deliver its ruling on the impeachment of President Yoon Suk Yeol. Whether he is removed from office or returns to his duties will have profound consequences for the future of Korea. One thing, however, is already clear: regardless of the verdict, the current state of disarray in the political system can no longer be ignored. When President Yoon declared martial law on Dec. 3 of last year, it marked a seismic rupture in the Sixth Republic — a constitutional order that has endured since the democratic reforms of 1987.

The current Constitution, which limits presidents to a single five-year term, was born out of the democratization movement of the 1980s. At the time, the overriding demand was for the direct election of the president, and the Constitution rightly focused on enshrining that principle. In this, it played a pivotal role in establishing procedural democracy in Korea. But the country has since undergone dramatic changes in every sector. Society has grown vastly more complex, public awareness has evolved and a host of new challenges — unimaginable just decades ago — have emerged. Yet the nation remains bound to a framework crafted 38 years ago. The Constitution, once a vehicle of democratic progress, has become an obstacle to further development.

The most fundamental flaw of the current system is its winner-takes-all structure. In the last presidential election, Yoon Suk Yeol won with 48.6 percent of the vote, but he assumed 100 percent of executive power. The 47.8 percent of voters who backed Lee Jae-myung were effectively excluded from governance. Such a system, which structurally marginalizes half the electorate, breeds political and social polarization, leaving little room for dialogue or compromise. Presidents begin their terms wielding immense authority, but as approval ratings decline and opposition grows, they become increasingly isolated. Eventually, even ruling party members turn away, rendering the president a lame duck. It is a pattern all too familiar to Koreans.

Another grave defect is the Constitution’s lack of remedies when the ruling party does not hold a legislative majority. Under the Yoon administration, a National Assembly dominated by the opposition party resorted to frequent impeachments of senior officials, while the president, in turn, vetoed legislation passed by the Assembly — paralyzing the machinery of government.

Since the 1987 constitutional revision, Korea has had eight presidents. Of those, four have been imprisoned, one took his own life during an investigation and three have been impeached by the National Assembly. Not a single one is remembered as a successful president. Without change, the next president — regardless of who it is — is likely to suffer the same fate.

Police buses form barricades along the roads leading up to the Anguk Station intersection in Jongno District, central Seoul, on April 1. The station, which is due to be closed on April 4, is the metro stop closest to the Constitutional Court. [YONHAP]

Although political leaders have long acknowledged the need for constitutional reform, their efforts have repeatedly stalled due to conflicts of interest between sitting presidents and presidential hopefuls. In that sense, the current moment presents a rare and critical window of opportunity. Yoon has stated his willingness to pursue a constitutional amendment, including shortening his own term, should the impeachment be dismissed or overturned.

In this context, the JoongAng Ilbo’s Forum on Constitutional Reform has proposed a new vision for the era — one rooted in the decentralization of power. Its recommendations include a directly elected president serving a four-year term with the possibility of reelection, a prime minister chosen by the National Assembly to oversee day-to-day administration and introducing a multi-member district electoral system. The long-term goal would be to transition from a semi-presidential model to a full-fledged parliamentary democracy, following the trajectory of many advanced nations. It is our hope that the Forum’s proposals can serve as a valuable foundation for bipartisan efforts to reframe the nation’s governance.

Should an early presidential election prove unavoidable and a shortened term for the next president deemed unfeasible, an alternative would be to grant the full five-year term and implement the revised Constitution starting in 2030.

Though the declaration of martial law nearly brought Korean democracy to its knees, if it becomes the catalyst for constitutional reform, it will stand as a historic turning point — a triumph born of crisis. We urge the National Assembly to immediately form a special committee on constitutional reform following the Constitutional Court’s decision. In particular, we call on Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung — who alone among major political figures has remained lukewarm on the issue — to take a statesmanlike stance for the nation’s future.

Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.