The fall of the imperial presidency, 38 years in

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The fall of the imperial presidency, 38 years in

Published: 07 Apr. 2025, 00:04

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Choi Hoon

The author is the senior columnist at the JoongAng Ilbo.

For the second time in just eight years, a sitting president has been removed from office — a national tragedy. Even aside from the Constitutional Court’s ruling on martial law, former President Yoon Suk Yeol was never truly prepared — neither in ability nor character — to lead a nation of over 51 million. Most disappointing were his attempts during the impeachment proceedings to shift blame onto subordinates, including lifelong military officers, and what appeared to be pressure to commit perjury. Nearly three years were wasted relearning the cost of electing an unvetted leader. The press, obsessed with mechanical neutrality, also failed to properly scrutinize him, and shares in the blame.

People watch Constituitional Court reading its verdict on President Yoon Suk Yeol's impeachment in Yongsan District, central Seoul, on April 4. [NEWS1]

The 1,060 days of the Yoon administration laid bare the limits of a lifelong prosecutor unable to grasp the workings of a democratic republic — dialogue, compromise, cooperation, inclusion and unity. The Constitutional Court reproached him for “violating his constitutional duty by abusing emergency powers and infringing on the authority of the National Assembly and the rights of the people.” He was judged by the very Constitution and democracy he believed himself above. He was the main offender, but the ruling and opposition parties alike are complicit in this tragedy.

The Court noted that Yoon may have felt “an overwhelming sense of duty to overcome political paralysis caused by opposition overreach,” and stated that this judgment deserves political respect. While not justification for martial law, the unanimous agreement that the opposition acted oppressively stands as a warning. The main opposition must reflect and apologize to the public.

The People Power Party, having now witnessed the collapse of two conservative presidents, will struggle to escape the historical stain — perhaps more than the president himself. Its fixation on currying favor with the top office and protecting vested interests left it morally hollow. Over the past two and a half years, Yoon’s repeated deviations from constitutional principles — political neutrality, equal application of the law and democratic cooperation — were enabled by his party. He manipulated the ruling party’s convention, interfered with nominations, sidelined leaders like Lee Jun-seok and Han Dong-hoon, ignored scandals involving first lady Kim Keon Hee, pushed ahead with medical school expansions, refused dialogue with the opposition and filled key posts with cronies from his personal network.

President Yoon Suk Yeol attends the opening session of the Ministerial Conference of the Third Summit for Democracy in March last year. The Constitutional Court upheld the National Assembly’s impeachment of Yoon, ousting him from office on April 4. [YONHAP]

The court ruled he had “violated his duty to serve all citizens.” Yet those who enabled him — never once speaking out as he crossed constitutional lines — must also answer. Their soulless politics, chasing only proximity to power, inflated his imperial pretensions until even martial law became a reality. The sense of injustice the public felt over the first lady's scandal and the handling of a Marine corporal’s death — swept away by a torrent during a search for missing flood victims in Yecheon in July 2023 — alienated moderates and younger voters. This was a historic blunder that shattered conservatism. Is this a party that still has the right to claim that mantle? Before either party asks for votes in two months, they must apologize and seek forgiveness. That is the bare minimum of political decency.

The current Constitution, drafted in 1987 to ensure a stable five-year term, no longer guarantees either stability or continuity. In just 11 years, three impeachment motions and two removals have occurred. A democratic republic cannot endure under such an “imperial presidency.” Look at Peru, where six presidents have come and gone in seven years. Are we any different?

The 1987 system that empowered strong presidents has now paradoxically produced weak, “lame-duck” ones. Overwhelming presidential power instills fear in the opposition of total loss, which, combined with unchecked arrogance and scandal, drives public rage toward the top. The result is gridlock — polarized partisanship, parliamentary deadlock and endless lawsuits. Korea now swings between authoritarian presidencies and legislative dictatorships. That this culminated in martial law shows how far things have fallen. The 1987 Constitution has become a broken instrument of decline. Perhaps its one final act was delivering its own obituary by removing the emperor it created.

Unless presidential power is dispersed and new institutions promote cooperation among the executive and legislature, ruling and opposition, Seoul and the provinces and the government and civil society, this republic has no future. Institutional checks on opposition overreach must also be seriously considered. National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-shik has proposed a bipartisan committee and a national referendum on constitutional reform alongside the next presidential election. This is welcome news. Both parties now face the responsibility — and the opportunity — to deliver a new, unified and hopeful Seventh Republic to future generations. That is the only path to true political redemption.

Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.