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Yoon’s informal power structure undermined institutional order

Published: 11 Apr. 2025, 00:04

Kang Joo-an

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

When prosecutors indicted former President Yoon Suk Yeol in January, one detail in the indictment stood out. While most figures accused of conspiring to declare martial law were listed with only their university credentials — often the Korea Military Academy or Korean National Police University — Yoon, former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun, and former Defense Counterintelligence Commander Yeo In-hyung had their high schools listed as well, along with their graduating classes.

President Yoon Suk Yeol, right, delivers his closing statement at the 11th and final hearing of his impeachment trial at the Constitutional Court in Jongno District, central Seoul, on Feb. 25. [CONSTITUTIONAL COURT]

That seemingly minor addition pointed to something larger: the prosecutors’ belief that high school affiliations and graduation cohorts were not incidental, but central to the alleged conspiracy. Though not named in the indictment, former Interior Minister Lee Sang-min — also a graduate of Choongam High School like Yoon, Kim and Yeo — was another graduate who gained prominence during Yoon’s presidency.

Kim, after being appointed head of the Presidential Security Service, was frequently at Yoon’s side — a move former presidential officials said blurred professional boundaries. “The head of security should protect the president from behind the scenes, not shadow him everywhere,” said one former aide. Kim’s appointment as defense minister in September 2023, directly following his security role, raised eyebrows for its abruptness. In retrospect, some now see it as a strategic move ahead of the proposed imposition of martial law.

That both the defense and interior ministries — the two agencies empowered to recommend martial law — were led by Yoon’s high school alumni added to concerns about loyalty-based appointments. Even after the Itaewon crowd crush, which left 159 dead due to public safety failures, Lee Sang-min remained in his post, further underscoring the protective bubble surrounding Yoon’s close circle.

Former Interior Minister Lee Sang-min speaks as a witness at the Constitutional Court in Seoul on Feb. 11, during the seventh hearing of President Yoon Suk Yeol's impeachment trial over his short-lived imposition of martial law in December. [YONHAP]

Under the Government Organization Act, the Ministry of National Defense and Ministry of the Interior and Safety rank eighth and ninth in the Cabinet respectively. Yet recent testimony before the Constitutional Court and National Assembly revealed a different reality under Yoon’s leadership.

Acting President Han Duck-soo described one emergency Cabinet meeting as “not normal.” Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Choi Sang-mok added, “I wouldn’t even call it a meeting.”

In contrast, Lee Sang-min, the ninth-ranking minister, described the same gathering as “the most engaged and candid Cabinet discussion” he had experienced in more than 100 meetings. His remark revealed more than he may have intended, suggesting a Cabinet hierarchy that privileged proximity and loyalty over rank or institutional authority.

The dynamics were further exposed in the case of an emergency legislative memo handed to Choi Sang-mok. According to both Yoon and Kim Yong-hyun, the memo — laying out steps for martial law — had come not from the president, but from Kim. When asked whether he had handed the note to Choi directly, Kim replied, “I delivered it through a staff member.” That the defense minister could pass such sensitive instructions to the deputy prime minister without question pointed to a system in which formal hierarchies were easily overridden — particularly by those close to Yoon personally.

Yoon, who rose to prominence as a prosecutor vowing to “serve the law, not individuals,” appeared to reverse course once in office. During a recent meeting with North Gyeongsang Gov. Lee Cheol-woo at his private residence, Yoon reportedly said, “Loyalty is the most important factor when appointing people.” The shift struck many as a betrayal of the principles that once defined him.

Han Feizi, a Chinese philosopher from the Warring States Period (403 B.C. to 221 B.C.) and a foundational thinker in Legalist political theory, once warned that officials who exceed the scope of their duties deserve the harshest punishment. In recent testimony, Yoon admitted that Kim had drafted parts of the martial law declaration that proposed punitive action against medical interns — an area under the jurisdiction of the education and health ministries. “When I asked why it was included, he said it was meant as a warning,” Yoon said. “We laughed it off.” Kim confirmed that he remembered the exchange.

Former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun speaks during the fourth hearing of President Yoon Suk Yeol's impeachment trial at the Constitutional Court in Jongno District, central Seoul, on Jan. 23. The hearing marked Kim's first public appearance since he was arrested on Dec. 8 for his alleged role in executing Yoon's martial law decree. [CONSTITUTIONAL COURT]

It was a revealing moment. A defense minister was intervening in policy matters far outside his remit, and the president allowed it — possibly because of their personal connection. That tolerance may have contributed to the unraveling of Yoon’s presidency.

During his final statement to the Constitutional Court in February, Yoon called the post-martial law fallout “the hardest time of my life.” More difficulties may lie ahead. Had he adhered to institutional hierarchy and appointed based on merit rather than loyalty, Yoon might still be leading the country. Instead, he finds himself at home, preparing for life after politics — while others decide the legal and constitutional legacy of his administration.

Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.