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Before Endorsing Han Duck-soo, the People Power Party Must First Address Yoon Suk Yeol

Published: 14 Apr. 2025, 00:01 Updated: 14 Apr. 2025, 11:27

Lee Ha-kyung

The author is a senior columnist at the JoongAng Ilbo.

The People Power Party’s courtship of acting President Han Duck-soo is intensifying. The ruling party appears increasingly desperate to draw Han into the presidential race, hoping he can defeat Lee Jae-myung, former Democratic Party leader and the current front-runner in the June 3 snap election.

The dominant issue in the election is the economy. Han, who previously served as Minister for Trade, Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs, and Ambassador to the United States, is widely regarded as Korea’s top expert in global economics and trade. His experience is viewed as an asset in preparing for potential economic conflicts, especially in responding to tariff policies from U.S. President Donald Trump.

Acting President and Prime Minister Han Duck-soo speaks while receiving a video briefing from Minister of Trade Cheong In-kyo, who is visiting the U.S. to respond to the tariff policies of the Donald Trump administration, and Korean Ambassador to the United States Cho Hyun-dong, at the Government Complex Seoul in Jongno District, central Seoul on April 10. [YONHAP]

Following a phone call with Trump on April 8, Han’s political stock rose sharply. One question stands out: why did Trump ask if Han intended to run for president? The final stage of Trump’s tariff-centered campaign to preserve U.S. economic hegemony involves pressuring China. In this context, Korean cooperation is essential, and Han’s extensive U.S. experience may have made him an appealing interlocutor. Han also hails from the Honam region — traditionally a Democratic Party stronghold — and has served under progressive governments, which may work to his advantage as a conservative candidate. His ability to communicate fluently in English, including with CNN, without an interpreter, has further bolstered public trust in his competence.

However, summoning Han to the presidential race at this particular moment is far from reasonable.

Han bears immense responsibility in managing the national vacuum created by the impeachment of the president who appointed him. His duty is to ensure that the early election is administered fairly and impartially. It is far from normal for political figures to swarm his office and residence urging him to abandon the role of referee and step onto the playing field as a contestant. If the control tower overseeing both the presidential race and the economic crisis is destabilized, the burden will fall squarely on the public.

If the People Power Party genuinely wants to return to power, it must first make a clear and public break from former President Yoon Suk Yeol, who was impeached for subverting democracy through what the Constitutional Court described as a self-serving coup. Only by doing so can Han’s candidacy have even partial legitimacy against Democratic Party accusations that he is aligned with a pro-coup faction.

Acting President and Prime Minister Han Duck-soo(L) and U.S. President Donald Trump. [YONHAP]

Han’s ties to Yoon are difficult to overlook. He nominated two Constitutional Court justices, including Lee Wan-kyu, the Minister of Government Legislation, who is under investigation for aiding Yoon’s unconstitutional acts. The Democratic Party has accused Han of overstepping his authority, and the Constitutional Court is currently reviewing a power dispute over the appointments. Fielding Han — a central figure in the former administration — without first confronting Yoon’s legacy would play directly into the opposition’s “coup narrative.”

Although Yoon was removed from office by an 8–0 unanimous decision, he has shown no remorse. He appeared outside his residence and said, “Don’t worry. I’ve come back after winning it all.” He openly encouraged a primary candidate who had opposed his impeachment. To another, he complained, “As president, I was betrayed too many times. You must choose people based on loyalty.” These remarks were widely interpreted as an attack on former Justice Minister Han Dong-hoon, who supported Yoon’s impeachment. In effect, Yoon continues to intervene verbally in the presidential race — one that only exists because of his own downfall.

It is also notable that pro-Yoon factions within the PPP are leading efforts to draft Han as a candidate. Reports have emerged suggesting that those around Yoon even considered his own reentry into the race after being removed from office. While the public clearly supports his political exit, with over 70 percent endorsing the Constitutional Court’s ruling, Yoon appears to inhabit a different reality.

Trying to drag Han into the race without resolving the issue of Yoon’s impeachment disrespects the public. It reduces a critical national moment into a party tactic.

History offers a different path. During the 1997 foreign exchange crisis, President-elect Kim Dae-jung asked former Prime Minister Lee Hong-koo to serve as ambassador to the United States. Lee had served as ruling party chairman under President Kim Young-sam and had run in the party’s presidential primary. Initially, Lee declined, citing political ethics. But Kim persisted, urging him to put aside the past for the sake of the country. Eventually, Lee accepted. As a Yale alumnus with deep connections in the United States, Lee played a pivotal role in debt negotiations with Washington.

Former Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung, who announced his bid for the 21st presidential election, walks into a venue at the National Assembly in Yeouido, western Seoul to deliver a speech regarding his policy vision and campaign engagement schedule on April 11. [YONHAP]

Kim Dae-jung, upon taking office, also retained some 40 officials from the previous administration in the Blue House, appointing only one close confidant, Lim Dong-won, as chief secretary for foreign and national security affairs. In a moment of national peril, Kim signaled bipartisan cooperation both domestically and internationally. The results were resoundingly successful.

By contrast, the PPP’s push to anoint Han appears to serve factional, not national, interests. It risks reigniting partisan conflict at a moment that demands unity.

Over 70 percent of the public backed the Constitutional Court’s decision to remove Yoon. This was a moment for profound reflection and a chance to reverse the crisis through national reconciliation. Yet, both Yoon and the PPP have rejected that opportunity.

Now, the only remaining path to unity may lie in constitutional reform. It is time to end the 1987 system that institutionalized a winner-takes-all presidency and entrenched political polarization. Korea must move beyond a political system marked by absurd martial law declarations and impeachment battles.

While Lee Jae-myung once pledged to pursue constitutional revision even at the cost of shortening his own term, he has recently reversed that stance, saying that “ending the state of insurrection” must come first. But this historical moment calls for leadership. All major candidates have voiced support for constitutional reform. It is now up to Lee to follow through.

Unless the current structure of confrontation is dismantled, any new administration will face paralysis, and the presidency itself will be diminished. To move forward, Korea needs more than candidates — it needs a political system capable of stability, accountability and inclusion.

Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.