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After 18 years, Korea’s superintendent elections still struggle to find relevance

Published: 16 Apr. 2025, 00:02

Chun In-sung

The author is social policy editor at the JoongAng Ilbo.

When Busan held the nation’s first direct election for superintendent of education on Feb. 14, 2007, it marked a turning point for education governance in Korea. The by-election, held to replace a departing superintendent, was intended to strengthen democratic participation and local autonomy. But the public response told a different story: voter turnout stood at just 15.3 percent, with fewer than one in six eligible voters participating.

Low turnout was attributed to poor publicity and hastily organized campaigns. The election was held only weeks after the law was revised to allow direct elections and many voters were unaware of the change. Still, there was cautious optimism that public engagement would improve over time, especially as voters came to appreciate the connection between education policy and their children’s futures.

Voters participate in early voting at Nam District Office in Busan for the April 2 by-elections to select their new education superintendent on March 28. [YONHAP]

Nearly two decades later, that optimism has faded. On April 2, Busan held its sixth superintendent election under the direct voting system. The race, triggered by the annulment of the previous election result, drew a turnout of just 22.8 percent — only marginally better than the inaugural vote in 2007. Compared to local mayoral elections held the same day, the superintendent vote underperformed across the board. In Damyang County, South Jeolla, 61.8 percent of voters participated. Even in Seoul’s Guro District, which posted the lowest turnout among the five local mayoral races that day, turnout still surpassed the superintendent race by about 3 percentage points.

Busan is not an outlier. Last October’s by-election for Seoul superintendent saw a turnout of 23.5 percent. On the same day, mayoral and county-level races elsewhere in the country saw participation rates of 47.2 percent in Busan’s Geumjeong District, 58.3 percent in Ganghwa County, and over 70 percent in other parts of South Jeolla. Since the adoption of direct elections for superintendents, turnout for standalone races — those not held concurrently with gubernatorial or presidential elections — has consistently hovered between 15 and 26 percent.

The result is that superintendent races, once seen as a symbol of education autonomy, are now often dismissed as secondary or “shadow elections,” riding on the coattails of higher-profile political contests. This stands in stark contrast to the bipartisan enthusiasm that accompanied the 2006 legislative reform. At the time, the goal was to replace the old appointment system — criticized for political favoritism and backroom deals — with a more transparent and accountable model. It was hoped that direct elections would enhance both educational self-governance and public confidence.

In practice, the direct election system has delivered mixed results. Critics say it has created a peculiar form of politics — one without parties in name, but not in substance. While the law prohibits party endorsements, candidates often align themselves with political blocs. The defining variable in most races is not individual merit or policy, but whether a candidate can secure sole backing from either the progressive or conservative camp.

This process of ideological consolidation often unfolds in ad hoc, opaque ways. Rather than focus on policy platforms or campaign outreach, candidates concentrate on becoming the “single representative” of their ideological side. The process is messier and less accountable than official party primaries, and the absence of clear rules or oversight leaves voters in the dark.

Campaign tactics further blur the line between independence and partisanship. In the 2022 elections, many progressive candidates wore blue jackets associated with the Democratic Party, while conservative candidates opted for red — mirroring the colors of the People Power Party. In politically homogeneous areas, multiple candidates from the same ideological camp wore the same colors, turning campaign trails into partisan displays in all but name.

Questions have also emerged about transparency and integrity. More than 20 superintendents elected under the direct system have faced legal trouble over election violations, favoritism, or corruption. Just last week, the brother-in-law of the North Jeolla superintendent was found dead amid an investigation into perjury in connection with an election trial. Critics argue that running a campaign on the scale of a gubernatorial race — without the organizational resources of a political party — leaves independent candidates vulnerable to legal missteps or improper influence.

Progressive candidate Chung Geun-sik, left, campaigns for the Seoul education superintendent race on Oct. 15, 2024, a day before the Oct. 16 by-elections. On the same day, conservative candidate Cho Jun-hyuk appeals for voter support near Amsa Station in Gangdong District, Seoul. [NEWS1, YONHAP]

Despite these systemic flaws, reform proposals have made little headway. In 2022, the government and ruling party proposed a “running mate” system that would pair gubernatorial and superintendent candidates on a joint ticket. The opposition was unresponsive. It remains unclear whether the resistance stems from a principled defense of direct democracy, a sense that their side performs better under current rules, or the influence of groups like the Korean Teachers and Education Workers Union, which has historically supported the current system.

In a 2000 ruling, the Constitutional Court warned against overemphasizing democratic procedures at the expense of educational autonomy and local self-governance. Though the decision pertained to a different era, its message still resonates. If a democratic mechanism undermines neutrality and effectiveness, it deserves reconsideration.

The direct election system for superintendents may have been conceived with good intentions, but its implementation has fallen short. With low turnout, blurred political lines, and recurring legal troubles, it has failed to fulfill its promise. After 18 years, it may be time to acknowledge the system’s limitations and explore alternatives that better serve Korea’s educational future.

Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.