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A party in ruins

Published: 17 Apr. 2025, 00:04

Lee Sang-ryeol

The author is a senior editorial writer of the JoongAng Ilbo.

“We have become a ruined clan.”

This was the assessment of Representative Kim Gi-hyeon of the People Power Party (PPP), delivered during a party meeting on April 4, shortly after the Constitutional Court removed President Yoon Suk Yeol from office. The term he used— paejok —refers to a noble family stripped of status due to the grave crimes of an ancestor.

Conservative People Power Party (PPP) headquarters in Yeouido, western Seoul [KIM SANG-SEON]

The word first entered modern Korean political discourse in 2007, when Ahn Hee-jung, a close aide to former President Roh Moo-hyun, used it in an essay following the Grand National Party’s landslide victory in the presidential election. Ahn likened the pro-Roh faction to a disgraced house, writing, “We are a ruined clan. We are in the same position as those who must beg for forgiveness after committing wrongdoing.”

That election marked the end of a decade-long progressive rule under Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun. Despite pushing landmark policies like the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement, Roh’s administration was unable to shield the public from economic anxiety. A particularly contentious real estate policy — the comprehensive real estate tax — alienated the middle and working classes. Ahn admitted as much, acknowledging the progressive camp’s internal divisions and its failure to earn popular support. The pro-Roh group would lie low for years.

The People Power Party’s invocation of paejok seems natural in the wake of impeachment. Yet the question remains: what, exactly, does the party see as its fault? Is it the failure to prevent Yoon’s impeachment? Or the failure to restrain his governance and his decision to pursue martial law? The distinction is critical.

Former president Yoon Suk Yeol waves to his supporters at the Acrovista apartment complex in southern Seoul on April 11. [NEWS1]

The Constitutional Court ruled that while the opposition Democratic Party shares blame for political dysfunction, the governing party must also be held accountable. It stood by as Yoon, once its standard-bearer, took steps toward a military intervention that ultimately led to his removal from office.

Former PPP lawmaker Kim Woong wrote on Facebook, “What our party showed in response to President Yoon’s misrule was nothing short of fanatical flattery and a contest of loyalty. We are the number one enabler of his impeachment.” His words reflect basic political ethics. But in today’s PPP, such voices are increasingly marginalized.

If the party had a sense of responsibility, it would begin with a clear and public apology. Instead, the internal dynamics suggest the opposite. Factions that opposed Yoon or supported his impeachment — such as former lawmaker Yoo Seong-min or Seoul Mayor Oh Se-hoon — have receded from the race. Meanwhile, some presidential contenders are already making overtures to Yoon, even visiting him and sharing his remarks as if nothing had happened.

Yoon himself has yet to express remorse for his declaration of martial law, nor has he accepted the court’s decision. Rather, he presents himself as a political fighter preparing for a return, telling supporters he will “always remain by your side.”

Lee Jae-myung, leader of the Democratic Party, and Hwang Woo-yea, interim leader of the People Power Party, pay their respects at the gravesite of former President Roh Moo-hyun during a memorial ceremony marking the 15th anniversary of his death in Bongha Village, Gimhae, South Gyeongsang, on May 23, 2024. [NEWS1]

The PPP’s refusal to sever ties with Yoon presents a paradox. The Constitutional Court’s decision was unanimous. Its ruling stated that Yoon “betrayed the public’s trust and abandoned his constitutional duty to protect the Constitution.” How can a party that still aligns itself with him credibly promise to uphold the Constitution going forward?

Victory in the presidential election will hinge on winning over public sentiment. But the PPP appears far removed from the electorate. According to a Korea Gallup poll conducted April 8 to 10, seven in ten Koreans agree with the Constitutional Court’s decision to remove Yoon. Among moderates, approval of the impeachment exceeds 80 percent. The rise of Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung in recent polls stems in part from this sentiment.

The conservative bloc may now be hoping for a “miracle” — whether in the form of a grand anti-Lee coalition or a last-minute draft of acting President Han Duck-soo as a candidate. But without genuine reflection, any such strategy may fall flat. The party would do well to place its hand over its heart and ask itself what the public expects, not just what it desires.

Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.