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Toward a model constitutional order and democratic state

Published: 18 Apr. 2025, 00:03

Park Myung-rim

The author is a political science professor at Yonsei University.

Throughout Korean history, one of the most defining characteristics of the Korean community has been the preservation of independent sovereignty and national subjectivity. Few examples in world history match Korea in terms of the long-term maintenance of an independent political community. Even during periods of temporary loss of sovereignty due to imperial aggression, Koreans consistently restored their sovereign order as the international landscape shifted. From a historical perspective, Korea’s continuity and resilience as a sovereign unit are nearly unparalleled.

A massive Korean national flag signed by the independence fighter during the Japanese colonial era hanging on the Independence Hall of Korea in Cheonan, South Chungcheong on Sunday ahead of the 104th anniversary of the March 1 independence movementsm 2023. The movement that started on the nation’s capital on March 1, 1919 with 33 Korean leaders’ Proclamation of Independence spread to other regions of the country to demonstrate against the Japanese occupation. [YONHAP]

What enabled such durability and restoration? Korea’s geographic and civilizational position as a boundary state — between land and sea, between empires, between civilizations — meant that it faced constant confrontation with external forces. Yet, at the same time, Korea acted as a bridge, absorbing elements from all sides. Eventually, it synthesized and integrated them, giving rise to a distinct Korean mode of thought and behavior based on convergence and incorporation. On this frontier of civilizations and empires, even opposing forces eventually coexisted through mutual adaptation.

This Korean pattern of convergence also shaped the way Koreans engaged with the world. One of the most notable traits of the Korean people has been a sharp awareness of the universal and a strong desire to connect with it. Korean eyes have long turned outward — toward the world and toward universal values. They learn from the global standard, compete against it, and evaluate themselves through it. Even when temporary imitation is necessary, their gaze remains fixed on universal benchmarks.

As a result, Korea has shown a remarkable ability in importing, synthesizing and coexisting with foreign civilizations, institutions, religions, ideologies, technologies and commodities. Take religion as an example: Buddhism, Confucianism and Christianity were initially met with resistance and conflict, but eventually each was absorbed and transformed into uniquely Korean forms. Over time, Korea enjoyed long-standing religious coexistence and civilizational harmony among indigenous religions, Buddhism, Confucianism and Christianity. This peaceful coexistence — absent of religious wars — is frequently noted by global observers and religious scholars alike.

Korea has long demonstrated its capacity to internalize universal values while expressing them through its own distinct subjectivity.

The March 1st Movement offers a powerful case. At the time, the Korean indigenous religion Donghak (Eastern learning) and Christianity (Western learning) — both previously repressed by the state and at odds with each other — stood side by side in solidarity, raising the banners of universality and modernity. Their alliance represented more than a meeting between tradition and modernity; it embodied a rare kind of coexistence and unity between national subjectivity and global ideals. Since modernization, there have been several similar examples in Korea, including during the Korean War, efforts for global peace, and the twin developments of Korea's market economy and democracy.

In this context, the recent attempt to declare martial law and the associated insurrection warrant close attention. While reflecting broader global trends, they also diverge from them in critical ways. Across the world today, far-right politics are rising, and democratic institutions are under pressure. In some countries, populism, extremism and political violence have reached alarming levels. Korea’s recent crisis can be seen as part of this global wave.

However, Korea’s response revealed important differences. Through democratic procedures in the National Assembly, voluntary civic participation, restrained responses by military actors and the constitutional judgment of the Constitutional Court, Korea restored constitutional order and democracy through peaceful and institutional means. That Korea has been regarded in recent years as one of the leading democracies in Asia and among the most advanced democratic states globally is not a coincidence. In the short term, Korea now stands as a reference point for the practice of democracy.

A photo from the March 1 Independence Movement in 1919 showing protesters chanting while throwing their hands up into the air, "Daehan dongnip manse," or "Long live the independence of Korea." [JOONGANG DB]

But our broader challenge lies ahead. Externally, the world is entering a period of intense competition among great powers. Internally, Korea is experiencing one of the highest levels of political and social polarization among developed countries. As a boundary state, Korea has repeatedly undergone cycles of sovereign disruption, division and external interference during global power transitions. The simultaneous emergence of external power struggles and internal conflict is therefore particularly alarming.

Yet there is no reason why a society capable of reconciling foreign religions and civilizations cannot also reconcile internally. Internal unity must take precedence. In this era of shifting world order, Korea urgently needs institutions and leadership capable of reducing the intensity of internal conflict. Peace and coexistence abroad are contingent on peace and coexistence at home.

In the aftermath of the recent constitutional crisis, it is time to move beyond confrontation between those calling for “eradication” and those defending “protection” of the constitutional order. What we now require is constitutional reform — a path that enables coexistence and peace within, and seeks the best possible system and institutions for Korea’s future.

President Yoon Suk Yeol attends the opening session of the Ministerial Conference of the Third Summit for Democracy in March last year. The Constitutional Court upheld the National Assembly’s impeachment of Yoon, ousting him from office on April 4. [YONHAP]

By strengthening our democratic republic, we can offer meaningful insights for other democracies currently in crisis. As both a boundary state and an advanced democracy, Korea is well-positioned to play a global role. We have long succeeded in harmonizing religions and civilizations, creating and spreading original language and culture, and developing world-class technologies and goods. There is no reason we should lag behind in the realm of constitutional governance.

Now is the time to pursue a model constitutional order and a more exemplary democracy.

Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.