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Han Duck-soo’s candidacy: A technocrat’s test in a fractured conservative field

Published: 23 Apr. 2025, 00:02

Kwon Ho

The author is a political news reporter of the JoongAng Ilbo.

With Korea’s snap presidential election scheduled for June 3, the conservative camp finds itself in disarray. The fallout from the impeachment of former President Yoon Suk Yeol has left the People Power Party (PPP) grappling with a legitimacy crisis. Amid this turbulent backdrop, Prime Minister Han Duck-soo has emerged as an unexpected variable. As speculation grows over whether the longtime civil servant will transition into a full-fledged political contender, attention is focusing on how his strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats (SWOT) fit in the strategic calculus that could shape the election.

Acting President and Prime Minister Han Duck-soo visits the Kia AutoLand Gwangju plant on April 15. [YONHAP]

Strengths: Technocratic authority and administrative stability

Han is widely recognized for the stability he brings to public office. Since passing Korea’s rigorous civil service examination in 1970, he has built a career largely removed from partisan politics. Notably, he has served as prime minister twice, under both liberal and conservative administrations — a rare feat in Korean politics.

His area of expertise is economics, with a deep background in trade and international negotiations. His tenure as Korea’s ambassador to the United States during a critical phase of bilateral trade friction is particularly valued in the era of U.S. President Donald Trump, where tariff politics have returned to the fore. Just 16 days after resuming his role as prime minister in the current administration, Han held a phone call with Trump. While the call may not have produced a concrete outcome, it signaled diplomatic readiness and offered markets a measure of reassurance.

It is perhaps this sense of composure that has prompted increasingly pointed attacks from the Democratic Party (DP). Critics within the opposition may be responding less to Han’s policies than to the quiet threat his centrist image poses to their electoral calculus

Weaknesses: Age and perception

At 76, Han’s age will inevitably become a point of public scrutiny. While age alone is not necessarily disqualifying — Kim Dae-jung became president at 74, and Trump, now in his late 70s, is serving his second term in office — it raises questions about voter perception. The more pressing issue may not be physical fitness but political optics. In a landscape where generational change is a recurring theme, Han must contend with how his image stacks up against younger hopefuls and whether he is perceived as more akin to Trump, who maintains active campaign energy, or to Joe Biden, whose second-term prospects were derailed by health concerns.

Opportunities: A vacuum in the conservative field

Han’s sudden emergence reflects a broader void within the PPP. The party’s current presidential contenders remain stuck in single-digit approval ratings. Against this backdrop, the notion of a “Han Duck-soo alternative” has gained traction. His relative political neutrality is an asset. Hailing from Jeonju in North Jeolla, Han brings a non-Yeongnam regional identity that could broaden the party’s appeal. This mirrors past strategies by the Democratic Party to court cross-regional votes, as seen in the campaigns of Moon Jae-in from Busan and Lee Jae-myung from Andong.

Acting President and Prime Minister Han Duck-soo speaks during a meeting at the Government Complex Seoul in Jongno District, central Seoul, on April 21. [YONHAP]

His nonpartisan profile may also appeal to moderate or swing voters seeking a more sober, less combative presidency. Moreover, within the PPP, some view a dramatic election scenario involving Han as a last-minute unifying candidate — perhaps consolidating support through a late-stage agreement with an official party nominee.

Threats: Political isolation and institutional constraints

Despite his credentials, Han faces critical obstacles. Chief among them is the absence of a political base. In Korea’s power structure, where coalition-building and factional support are crucial, Han’s technocratic background leaves him without a durable support network. This makes it difficult for him to mount an independent campaign, practically binding him to the PPP.

This is problematic, given the party’s current turmoil. With internal divisions still raw over Yoon’s impeachment, the PPP remains preoccupied with loyalty tests — dividing members into “anti-Yoon” or “pro-Yoon” camps. Such infighting plays into the DP's narrative of a battle between democratic values and reactionary forces, framing that could ensnare Han despite his stated opposition to the martial law plans under Yoon’s government.

Kwon Young-se, interim leader of the People Power Party, looks over campaign posters of presidential primary candidates as he arrives for an emergency leadership committee meeting at the National Assembly on April 21. [YONHAP]

Questions also surround Han’s campaign readiness. Unlike former UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, who faltered in his brief foray into domestic politics, Han lacks both financial backing and a grassroots network. Without these assets, he could repeat Ban’s missteps — entering the race with high expectations, only to exit quietly.

Beyond SWOT: The will to lead

At the heart of the matter is not just strategic positioning, but political will. In political science terms, the “will to lead” distinguishes mere technocrats from those capable of enduring the rigors of national leadership. Han has reportedly expressed frustration in private about Korea’s current direction, saying, “The country cannot continue like this.” Yet publicly, he remains noncommittal, saying his candidacy is “not yet decided.”

His long career as a second-in-command — never the face, always the force behind — raises doubts about whether he possesses the drive to transform into a frontline political leader. As the election draws closer, the question may not be whether Han can win, but whether he truly intends to fight.

Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.