MAGA needs a new definition of 'great’
Published: 25 Apr. 2025, 00:01
Kim Myung-ja
The author is the Chair of the Board at KAIST, and Former Minister of Environment
Since Donald Trump reintroduced Make America Great Again (MAGA) as the slogan of his presidency, the phrase has cast a long and divisive shadow over American politics. While the slogan is not new — Ronald Reagan used a variation of it in 1980 to successfully unseat Jimmy Carter — Trump’s use of it carries distinct implications for America’s direction at home and abroad.
![U.S. President Donald Trump tries to reach a MAGA hat, on the day of his remarks on tariffs in the Rose Garden at the White House in Washington April 2, 2025. [REUTERS/YONHAP]](https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/data/photo/2025/04/25/91b4e3c7-9a91-4923-9bc8-c0baeed15c79.jpg)
U.S. President Donald Trump tries to reach a MAGA hat, on the day of his remarks on tariffs in the Rose Garden at the White House in Washington April 2, 2025. [REUTERS/YONHAP]
When Reagan invoked “Let’s Make America Great Again,” he was appealing to a nation wearied by the aftermath of the Vietnam War and stagflation. His call aimed to restore conservative American values. Trump, in contrast, adopted MAGA during his 2015 campaign and modified it to “Keep America Great” in 2020 before reverting to the original acronym. As he begins his second term, questions continue to arise over what Trump’s vision of a “great America” truly entails.
For Trump and many of his supporters, the idea of greatness harks back to the so-called golden age of post-World War II America, from 1950 to 1970. This was a time marked by manufacturing dominance, strong borders, military expansion and the cultural ascendancy of white conservative identity. Trump has repeatedly invoked historical parallels to advance his platform. In his second inaugural speech, he praised President William McKinley (1897–1901) as a “great businessman president” who enriched America through tariffs and talent.
Yet experts question this comparison. Karl Rove, a former political strategist, argues that Trump misreads McKinley’s trade legacy. Though initially a staunch protectionist, McKinley warned as early as 1890 — while chairing the House Ways and Means Committee — that overly high tariffs could reduce imports and diminish federal revenue. After becoming president in 1897, he supported reciprocal trade agreements, holding the authority to reduce tariffs from an average of 52 percent to as low as 20 percent. As Dartmouth historian Douglas Irwin notes, McKinley came to understand that industrialization and technological innovation, along with expanded foreign trade, would be key to U.S. economic growth. He delivered his final speech on the importance of reciprocal tariff reductions at the Pan-American Exposition in 1901, only to be fatally shot the next day.
![U.S. President Donald Trump delivers remarks on tariffs in the Rose Garden at the White House in Washington on April 2. [REUTERS/YONHAP]](https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/data/photo/2025/04/25/5fd06ad5-ba4c-4dbf-8121-ea0f669b1d7c.jpg)
U.S. President Donald Trump delivers remarks on tariffs in the Rose Garden at the White House in Washington on April 2. [REUTERS/YONHAP]
The structural context has changed dramatically since McKinley’s time. In 1900, federal spending comprised just 3 percent of GDP, and tariffs generated half of federal revenue. By 2024, spending had ballooned to 23 percent of GDP while tariffs contributed only 1.9 percent to federal income — overshadowed by the 48 percent share from personal income taxes, first introduced in 1913.
Despite this, Trump’s economic team continues to emphasize tariffs as a strategic tool, framing them as leverage to reshape trade relations — particularly with China — and protect domestic industry. This approach has increased market volatility. The policy swings between abrupt acceleration and sudden reversals have deepened uncertainty rather than reinforcing stability.
Trump’s foreign policy outlook has also drawn scrutiny. In February, a portrait of James K. Polk, the 11th president, was prominently displayed in the Oval Office. This symbolic gesture coincided with Trump’s rhetoric about acquiring territories such as Canada, Greenland and the Panama Canal — not as hyperbole, some argue, but as deliberate signaling. Like Polk, who annexed Texas and pushed westward through war with Mexico, Trump idolizes Andrew Jackson and invokes the 19th-century belief in Manifest Destiny, which asserted that white Americans were divinely ordained to settle the entire continent.
Yet this revivalist nationalism appears out of sync with contemporary challenges. According to a Reuters/Ipsos poll conducted between April 16 and 21, public approval of Trump’s job performance has fallen to 42 percent — its lowest since his second inauguration.
The Congressional media channel C-SPAN recently surveyed historians to rank past U.S. presidents based on 10 leadership traits. These include public persuasion, crisis leadership, economic management, moral authority, international relations, administrative skills, relations with Congress, vision, pursuit of equal justice for all and performance within the context of the times. Trump’s leadership, critics argue, diverges markedly from these criteria.
In contrast to McKinley’s adaptive “three R’s” — Revenue, Restriction, Reciprocity — Trump’s trade policies often appear reactive and inconsistent. Nobel laureate Joseph Stiglitz has described the administration’s economic strategy as one that paradoxically inflicts more damage on the U.S. than on China, likening it to “shooting oneself in the foot.” Paul Krugman of the City University of New York criticizes the administration for provoking trade partners through disinformation or ignorance, driven by an obsession with dominance rather than mutual interest.
![President-elect Donald Trump speaks during a TIME Magazine Person of the Year event at the New York Stock Exchange in New York on December 12, 2024. [AP/YONHAP]](https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/data/photo/2025/04/25/c2951358-dbab-4b72-b8f9-4a399e2cddd5.jpg)
President-elect Donald Trump speaks during a TIME Magazine Person of the Year event at the New York Stock Exchange in New York on December 12, 2024. [AP/YONHAP]
Rather than recalibrate, Trump has doubled down. He responds to criticism with forceful rhetoric on social media, often framing the media and judiciary as adversaries. This combative posture may galvanize his base, but it deepens national polarization.
As the U.S. approaches midterm elections in November next year, the stakes are high. Abraham Lincoln, presiding over a deeply fractured nation during the Civil War, famously said, “Public sentiment is everything. With public sentiment, nothing can fail; without it, nothing can succeed.” Economic anxiety, inflation, and fears of recession cannot be resolved without public trust.
Trump would do well to consider critiques from outside his echo chamber. As The New York Times editorialized, “America became great because of the very things Trump despises.” In a world facing polycrisis — economic fragmentation, climate challenges and geopolitical shifts — America’s greatness must be redefined not through isolationism or dominance, but through international cooperation and truth-based leadership.
This week, the Trump administration enters tariff negotiations with 34 countries. The moment presents an opportunity to move beyond bluster and seek genuinely reciprocal arrangements. A renewed MAGA — one grounded in the realities of the 21st century — could be the leadership pivot the world needs.
Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.
with the Korea JoongAng Daily
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