Lee Jun-seok claims to offer viable alternative to PPP that buried itself

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Lee Jun-seok claims to offer viable alternative to PPP that buried itself

Published: 01 May. 2025, 11:38 Updated: 06 May. 2025, 16:24

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Reform Party leader Lee Jun-seok speaks during an interview with the JoongAng Ilbo, an affiliate of the Korea JoongAng Daily, at the National Assembly building in Yeouido, western Seoul, on April 16. [JOONGANG ILBO]

[INTERVIEW]

Reform Party presidential candidate Lee Jun-seok, 40, believes that the so-called anti-Lee Jae-myung big tent is not an effective strategy.

“Forming a coalition with people who are branded as martial law apologists is actually inefficient in stopping Lee Jae-myung,” the Reform Party founder said in a recent interview with the JoongAng Ilbo. “I have no plans to participate in any discussions about it, no matter who becomes the candidate of the People Power Party [PPP].”

Lee Jun-seok critically compared the “big tent theory” to “taking a test without studying” and pledged to counter liberal Democratic Party (DP) presidential hopeful Lee Jae-myung’s tactics that he likened to time-wasting in football with a realistic alternative. One of his main pledges is to restructure the welfare system to reduce the tax burden that comes with expanded welfare.

“Lee Jae-myung’s bizarre economics — like giving 250,000 won ($176.30) to every citizen — should not become the backbone of the Korean government,” Lee Jun-seok said. “If I become president, I’ll eliminate bloated subsidies and shift the central tax structure to local governments to redirect the flow of money.”

He described his strengths as “reason and logic,” arguing that “it’s important that at least someone with common sense is in politics, given how the conservative bloc tripped over flimsy theories like election fraud.”

Lee Jun-seok, who declared his candidacy in February, was interviewed for about an hour at his National Assembly office in Yeouido, western Seoul. The following are excerpts from the interview.

Lee Jun-seok, a lawmaker from the Reform Party, talks to the press after submitting his application for registration as a preliminary candidate in the presidential election set to take place on June 3 at the National Election Commission in Gwacheon, Gyeonggi, on April 8. [YONHAP]

You recently polled above 10 percent in a three-way race. What’s your strategy for the rise?

Lee Jae-myung tends to resort to injury simulation tactics, like avoiding a serious debate. During the 22nd general election in Dongtan, my opponent was badly defeated in a debate, which quickly shifted the election’s momentum. I’ll prove that Lee Jae-myung isn’t a viable option and win by offering a realistic alternative.

Do you plan to join the anti-Lee Jae-myung conservative big tent bloc?

As long as some participants are tagged as apologists for martial law, such a coalition won’t be effective in stopping Lee Jae-myung. And the logic that they must ally with me, who they previously ousted for alleged sexual misconduct — just to defeat Lee Jae-myung — is flawed. There hasn’t even been a change of stance or remorse. There’s no justification.

Aren’t candidates like Hong Joon-pyo, who was out of town during your ousting, or Han Dong-hoon, who supported impeachment, different cases?

A political party is a collective decision-making body. Most of them either sacrificed me together, stood by silently or did nothing to rein in Yoon Suk Yeol’s excesses.

You tout your victory in Dongtan under a three-way race model, but isn’t a local race different from a presidential one?

Dongtan is a planned city with no entrenched political forces, and variables beyond policy promises are mostly eliminated. It’s a standard Korean city. The idea that the PPP can win the presidency despite no one criticizing Yoon’s absurd claims seems far-fetched.

Reform Party leader and former People Power Party leader Lee Jun-seok speaks during his appearance on a CBS radio show on April 11, a day after the April 10 general election. [JOONGANG ILBO]

Aren’t you worried you’ll be blamed for splitting the vote?

If that’s the concern, then they should reflect on kicking me out three years ago. Those who benefited from it — those who rode that wave to become party leader or gain something — should take the blame, not me. Holding me responsible is secondary victimization.

How about Hong’s proposal for a coalition government?

That’s not even being considered. It lacks sincerity when it comes from someone on the defensive. You can’t cram for a test after wasting all the study time. They should get to studying now.

Can you say with certainty you won’t merge or unify campaigns later?

I won’t. They haven’t even apologized for stitching me up with the sexual misconduct allegations. What assurance do I have that something similar won’t happen again?

Public opposition to impeachment has surpassed 30 percent, and many of your supporters are young. Isn’t there a demographic overlap?

Young people are increasingly anti-DP due to the entrenched privileges pushed by the 586 generation. That may partly explain the rising anti-impeachment sentiment, but there’s no personal support for former President Yoon.

To win the presidency, don’t you need those anti-impeachment voters?

It’s hard to win them over. I’ll ask them to think logically. If the far-right taints conservatism with conspiracy theories, the election is already lost. The 8-0 Constitutional Court ruling on impeachment shows there’s no legal debate. The absence of violent protests after the decision reflects the sense of betrayal within the conservative base. If they truly don’t want Lee Jae-myung to win, they’ll know what role they must play — or they should.

Rep. Lee Jun-seok of the center-right Reform Party at the National Assembly complex in Yeouido, western Seoul, on Tuesday [NEWS1]

What is your core campaign pledge?

Korean elections have become all about “what kind of welfare handout can win votes.” Lee Jae-myung promises 250,000 won per person, but that just adds to the tax burden. It’s like robbing Peter to pay Paul. The tax burden from expanded welfare is eating into young people’s disposable income. We need to cut quasi-taxes like pension premiums and restructure excessive welfare like Moon Jae-in’s health policies.

You said Lee Jae-myung’s pledge to invest 100 trillion won in AI is nonsense. Why?

Funding investment solely through the national budget reflects a Park Chung Hee-style mindset. The government cannot outpace private creativity. What matters is creating space for private-sector innovation. In Korea, when a unicorn startup is born, the focus is on how to regulate it.

If something can be done in Silicon Valley, it should also be possible in Pangyo or Teheran-ro. That’s why we need a “regulatory standard state.” When a deregulation request is made, the government should set a deadline. If there’s no response within that period, the regulation should be considered lifted — this is how we shift to negative regulation.

If elected, you’ll still only be 45 years old when you leave office. What’s next?

Sometimes, former high-ranking judges return to work as local judges. I might want to take a similarly humble path in politics. I could even run for local council to strengthen grassroots governance. Or I could serve in international organizations to promote Korea’s interests.

BY SUNG JI-WON [[email protected]]