In a deeply divided political landscape, Korea’s national strategy is nowhere to be found

Home > Opinion > Columns

In a deeply divided political landscape, Korea’s national strategy is nowhere to be found

Published: 19 May. 2025, 00:04

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Chang Se-jeong

The author is an editorial writer for the JoongAng Ilbo.

As campaigning for Korea’s 21st presidential election enters full swing, the first televised debate between major candidates took place Sunday under the sponsorship of the National Election Debate Commission. The candidates — Lee Jae-myung of the Democratic Party, Kim Moon-soo of the People Power Party, Lee Jun-seok of the Reform Party and Kwon Young-kook of the Democratic Labor Party — engaged in spirited exchanges on the economy.

Lee Jae-myung, presidential candidate of the Democratic Party (DP), waves to supporters during a campaign rally in Busan on May 14. [JOONGANG ILBO]

While the official vote is scheduled for June 3, early voting will begin on May 29. That leaves just over a week for voters to make their decision. Much of the public’s attention is focused on who will emerge victorious. Will Lee Jae-myung, the current front-runner in most polls, push the country in a new and unsettling direction, as some fear? Or will Kim Moon-soo pull off a surprise win following the defection of former President Yoon Suk Yeol from the People Power Party and bring about what his supporters hope will be a swift return to political normalcy?

While the identity of the next president is undoubtedly important, it may ultimately be secondary in the broader scheme of things. This election follows the country’s second-ever presidential impeachment, a profound constitutional crisis. Yet, there is little momentum behind any structural reform or constitutional amendment to prevent a recurrence.

Lee Jae-myung has dismissed the proposal by National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-shik to hold the presidential election and a referendum on constitutional reform simultaneously, insisting that “ending the rebellion” should take precedence. Kim Moon-soo, while expressing vague support for constitutional reform during a press forum on May 8, merely said that changes might be needed to check “legislative dictatorship.” Whether Kim will take up former Prime Minister Han Duck-soo’s proposal for constitutional revision — and whether Lee Jun-seok might join a broader “big tent” reform coalition — remains uncertain.

People Power Party presidential candidate Kim Moon-soo greets party supporters in front of the Supreme Court in Seocho District, southern Seoul, on May 15. [YONHAP]

Despite a flurry of policy announcements from the candidates, serious discussion about Korea’s long-term national strategy is notably absent. Looking back, the early Republic of Korea under Syngman Rhee prioritized state-building and unification. The Park Chung Hee government pursued industrialization under the rallying cry: “Let’s become prosperous.” Democratization, embodied by the 1987 Constitution, was hard-won. In the post-democratization era, the late Park Se-il, a former Seoul National University law professor, emphasized modernization and unification as the twin goals of Korean national development.

Economically and materially, Korea has joined the ranks of advanced nations. But in political culture and civic consciousness, it remains stuck at the threshold. Meanwhile, North Korea under Kim Jong-un has escalated its nuclear weapons program and embraced an overtly hostile two-state doctrine, pushing any hopes for reunification further into the future.

So where should Korea’s national vision head from here?

It must start by clearly defining the country’s identity: a liberal democracy committed to safeguarding the lives, property, happiness and security of its people. Based on that foundation, Korea could articulate a new long-term national goal. One proposal might be to aim for membership in the G5 — the world’s five leading powers — by 2048, the centennial of the republic’s founding. This “2048 G5” vision would reflect comprehensive national strength, encompassing not only the economy but also defense, diplomacy, culture and science and technology.

Even the best vision means little without public support. The Korean public has grown disillusioned with politics, but the political sphere remains crucial. If politics can return to its proper role and harness the fragmented energies of the people, “2048 G5” need not be a pipe dream. But first, the political elite must overcome the extreme divisions and power struggles that have paralyzed governance.

Despite the bleak current state of affairs, some signs of hope remain. A number of civic and academic voices are calling for a new direction. A notable example is the recent establishment of the Korea National Strategy Society, headed by Han Yong-seop, on May 17. The group was formed out of concern that Korea has lacked a coherent mid- to long-term strategy since the political transition of 1993.

Meanwhile, the deeply polarized 22nd National Assembly will see the launch of a new Parliamentary Diplomacy and Security Forum on May 20. It aims to bring together both progressive and conservative foreign policy and national security experts, including journalists, to explore bipartisan approaches to Korea’s strategic challenges.

Reform Party presidential candidate Lee Jun-seok arrives at Pusan National University in Geumjeong District, Busan, on May 14. [SONG BONG-GEUN]

As the campaign period draws to a close, major candidates would do well to devote more attention to long-term national strategy. Rather than fixating solely on polling numbers or short-term pledges, they should articulate a vision for Korea’s place in the world — and how to get there.

Voters, too, may wish to consider casting their ballot for the candidate who offers not only promises but a road map to a stronger, more resilient nation.

Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.