The next president must avoid Yoon’s path to collapse
Published: 26 May. 2025, 00:01
Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI
Lee Ha-kyung
The author is a senior columnist at the JoongAng Ilbo.
With just days remaining before early voting, conservative voters are coalescing. A surprise comeback by People Power Party candidate Kim Moon-soo over Democratic Party candidate Lee Jae-myung is no longer unthinkable. Kim's apologetic tone and humble demeanor during televised debates have resonated with many. Meanwhile, Lee Jun-seok of the Reform Party has drawn attention for his confident delivery and policy fluency. The possibility of a unified conservative ticket also remains a wild card.
![Lee Jae-myung of the Democratic Party, left, greets Kim Moon-soo of the People Power Party ahead of the second televised presidential debate on May 23 at the KBS studio in Yeongdeungpo District, western Seoul. [JOINT PRESS CORPS]](https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/data/photo/2025/05/26/2935e847-9246-47e8-bf07-bc672210fd57.jpg)
Still, Lee Jae-myung’s narrative — that his election is necessary to prevent the return of an anti-constitutional regime— is dominating the discourse. The controversial presence of former President Yoon Suk Yeol and his wife continues to weigh heavily in Lee’s favor. While Lee expands his appeal toward moderates and conservatives, Kim has yet to cross the symbolic “river of impeachment,” a hurdle that remains critical in regaining the public’s trust.
Lee currently stands as the front-runner. But if elected, his presidency will face immediate and daunting challenges. Many of his supporters back him not out of enthusiasm but from a belief that he is a lesser evil compared to a return of the Yoon administration. That kind of support lacks the foundation for broad-based cooperation.
The economy is already showing signs of strain. The second Trump administration’s tariff war is dealing a direct blow to Korean businesses and households. A crisis worse than the 1997 foreign exchange meltdown could unfold. Regardless of who takes power, the next president is poised to inherit a fragile system teetering on the brink.
![Democratic Party presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung, right, shakes hands with former President Moon Jae-in during a memorial service marking the 16th anniversary of the death of former President Roh Moo-hyun in the rural village of Bongha in Gimhae, southeastern Korea, on May 23. [YONHAP]](https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/data/photo/2025/05/26/bec03190-5372-41ab-8203-153fc024f205.jpg)
During the 1997 crisis, Kim Dae-jung’s bipartisan leadership proved decisive. But Lee is a different figure. He has faced internal party opposition with aggressive tactics and has often clashed with the ruling bloc. Few believe that even in a national emergency, Lee can unify the political spectrum to guide the country through overlapping economic and security crises.
This is why he must fundamentally change if he wins. Dominating the executive, legislative and judicial branches without public trust would repeat the collapse of the Yoon presidency. As one opposition figure warned Lee and his wife, “If you fail, you’ll be in prison in five years.” In an environment crowded with sycophants, hearing uncomfortable truths is a rare blessing.
Lee’s greatest vulnerability remains his legal troubles. He has faced five separate trials on 12 charges. Article 84 of the Constitution exempts a sitting president from criminal prosecution, except for treason or rebellion. Whether his trials would be suspended during his term remains a pressing constitutional question.
Sung Nak-in, former president of Seoul National University and a leading constitutional scholar, compares the situation to France. “In France, where the president is directly elected, trials are suspended during the term. But they resume one month after retirement. Korea’s president, also directly elected, should be held to the same democratic standard,” he said. Former French President Jacques Chirac was immune from prosecution during his 12 years in office but was convicted after leaving office. In a republic, equality before the law is nonnegotiable. Should Lee preside over a failed government, he too would face severe consequences.
The next president must promise not to personally profit from power. If Lee were to repeat the corruption of his predecessors despite witnessing the downfall of Yoon, Korea’s political future would sink deeper into disillusionment. He must also pledge to eliminate crony appointments. In 1998, Kim Dae-jung tried to appoint a Korean American businessman — who had supported him in exile — to head a local public company. However, then-Blue House legal aide Park Joo-sun, a former prosecutor, threatened to resign in protest. Kim relented and instead came to trust Park fully. Entrusting personnel decisions to such figures could prevent future abuses of office.
A president must also embrace humility. Recognizing one’s limitations and appointing capable figures regardless of background is essential. Like Abraham Lincoln or Kim Dae-jung, a leader in crisis must build an inclusive coalition — even with former adversaries. Winning over those who once opposed you can become a foundation for lasting unity.
King Sejong, one of Korea’s most revered rulers, began work at dawn and labored so intensely that he fell gravely ill just seven years into his reign. His son had to stand in for him in diplomatic meetings. Yet Sejong persevered, creating Hangul and laying the foundation for 500 years of Joseon rule. Despite his accomplishments, he often confessed, “I am not a competent ruler,” and never hesitated to appoint talent regardless of status. That humility made his greatness possible.
![Democratic Party presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung speaks behind bulletproof glass during a campaign event in Paju, Gyeonggi, on May 20. [NEWS1]](https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/data/photo/2025/05/26/34dab9a8-099a-4f85-a10f-046404c2d73c.jpg)
The presidency is not about personal privilege but public trust. In Japan, the prime minister’s daily schedule is disclosed in detail. Korea’s president should also transparently share who they meet, when and for how long. This prevents shadow advisers from gaining influence and allows the public to monitor key policy decisions.
Lee has spoken about the pain of politics becoming a constant war. After June 3, he may well hold the reins of power. If so, he must put the sword back in its sheath. Only by ending the cycle of political retaliation can Korea begin to heal and move forward together.
Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.
The author is a senior columnist at the JoongAng Ilbo.
With just days remaining before early voting, conservative voters are coalescing. A surprise comeback by People Power Party candidate Kim Moon-soo over Democratic Party candidate Lee Jae-myung is no longer unthinkable. Kim's apologetic tone and humble demeanor during televised debates have resonated with many. Meanwhile, Lee Jun-seok of the Reform Party has drawn attention for his confident delivery and policy fluency. The possibility of a unified conservative ticket also remains a wild card.
Lee Jae-myung of the Democratic Party, left, greets Kim Moon-soo of the People Power Party ahead of the second televised presidential debate on May 23 at the KBS studio in Yeongdeungpo District, western Seoul. [JOINT PRESS CORPS]
Lee currently stands as the front-runner. But if elected, his presidency will face immediate and daunting challenges. Many of his supporters back him not out of enthusiasm but from a belief that he is a lesser evil compared to a return of the Yoon administration. That kind of support lacks the foundation for broad-based cooperation.
The economy is already showing signs of strain. The second Trump administration’s tariff war is dealing a direct blow to Korean businesses and households. A crisis worse than the 1997 foreign exchange meltdown could unfold. Regardless of who takes power, the next president is poised to inherit a fragile system teetering on the brink.
Democratic Party presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung, right, shakes hands with former President Moon Jae-in during a memorial service marking the 16th anniversary of the death of former President Roh Moo-hyun in the rural village of Bongha in Gimhae, southeastern Korea, on May 23. [YONHAP]
This is why he must fundamentally change if he wins. Dominating the executive, legislative and judicial branches without public trust would repeat the collapse of the Yoon presidency. As one opposition figure warned Lee and his wife, “If you fail, you’ll be in prison in five years.” In an environment crowded with sycophants, hearing uncomfortable truths is a rare blessing.
Lee’s greatest vulnerability remains his legal troubles. He has faced five separate trials on 12 charges. Article 84 of the Constitution exempts a sitting president from criminal prosecution, except for treason or rebellion. Whether his trials would be suspended during his term remains a pressing constitutional question.
Sung Nak-in, former president of Seoul National University and a leading constitutional scholar, compares the situation to France. “In France, where the president is directly elected, trials are suspended during the term. But they resume one month after retirement. Korea’s president, also directly elected, should be held to the same democratic standard,” he said. Former French President Jacques Chirac was immune from prosecution during his 12 years in office but was convicted after leaving office. In a republic, equality before the law is nonnegotiable. Should Lee preside over a failed government, he too would face severe consequences.
The next president must promise not to personally profit from power. If Lee were to repeat the corruption of his predecessors despite witnessing the downfall of Yoon, Korea’s political future would sink deeper into disillusionment. He must also pledge to eliminate crony appointments. In 1998, Kim Dae-jung tried to appoint a Korean American businessman — who had supported him in exile — to head a local public company. However, then-Blue House legal aide Park Joo-sun, a former prosecutor, threatened to resign in protest. Kim relented and instead came to trust Park fully. Entrusting personnel decisions to such figures could prevent future abuses of office.
A president must also embrace humility. Recognizing one’s limitations and appointing capable figures regardless of background is essential. Like Abraham Lincoln or Kim Dae-jung, a leader in crisis must build an inclusive coalition — even with former adversaries. Winning over those who once opposed you can become a foundation for lasting unity.
King Sejong, one of Korea’s most revered rulers, began work at dawn and labored so intensely that he fell gravely ill just seven years into his reign. His son had to stand in for him in diplomatic meetings. Yet Sejong persevered, creating Hangul and laying the foundation for 500 years of Joseon rule. Despite his accomplishments, he often confessed, “I am not a competent ruler,” and never hesitated to appoint talent regardless of status. That humility made his greatness possible.
Democratic Party presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung speaks behind bulletproof glass during a campaign event in Paju, Gyeonggi, on May 20. [NEWS1]
The presidency is not about personal privilege but public trust. In Japan, the prime minister’s daily schedule is disclosed in detail. Korea’s president should also transparently share who they meet, when and for how long. This prevents shadow advisers from gaining influence and allows the public to monitor key policy decisions.
Lee has spoken about the pain of politics becoming a constant war. After June 3, he may well hold the reins of power. If so, he must put the sword back in its sheath. Only by ending the cycle of political retaliation can Korea begin to heal and move forward together.
Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.
with the Korea JoongAng Daily
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