No women on the Korean presidential ballot, no gender policies on the platforms

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No women on the Korean presidential ballot, no gender policies on the platforms

Published: 27 May. 2025, 07:00 Updated: 27 May. 2025, 10:57

SEO JI-EUN
[email protected]

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Campaign posters for Korea’s 21st presidential election are displayed in Mapo District, western Seoul, on May 16. [CHOI YEONG-JAE]

[NEWS ANALYSIS]

Korea heads into its 2025 presidential election with a glaring absence: For the first time in nearly two decades, not a single woman will appear on the final presidential ballot.

At the same time, gender equality was left out of the top 10 pledges by major presidential candidates. Following criticism, several front-runners vowed to introduce women's policies, though observers note these efforts still fall short.

The vanishing female political voices in leadership positions and the narrowing space for meaningful gender policy have raised fresh concerns about gender representation and democratic inclusivity in one of Asia’s most advanced democracies.

Posters for the 17th presidential election are seen along a roadside in Yeonje District, Busan, on Nov. 30, 2007. [SONG BONG-GEUN]

No women on the ballot

Not a single woman made it onto the final presidential ballot this year, the first time since the 17th election in December 2007.

Conservative People Power Party (PPP) Rep. Na Kyung-won declared her candidacy early on but failed to advance past her party's primaries. Kim Jae-yeon, chief of the left-leaning Jinbo Party, withdrew from the presidential race after merging her campaign with that of Democratic Party (DP) candidate Lee Jae-myung.

Despite strides in women’s education and labor force participation, Korea’s progress has yet to be mirrored in its political institutions.

Only about 19.2 percent of the 300 National Assembly seats are held by women as of 2024 — well below the global average and among the lowest for member states of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development.

"Korea is a highly wealthy country economically […] but the global gender gap index shows that Korea ranks quite low in terms of women's political empowerment," said Heo Min-sook, researcher at the National Assembly Research Service. "When the power to make laws is overwhelmingly held by men, we are living in a fundamentally skewed society."

Protesters hold signs and LED wands demanding the arrest and removal of President Yoon Suk Yeol near Gwanghwamun Square in central Seoul on Dec. 15, 2024. [YONHAP]

The absence of female candidates comes at a time when women play visible, even leading, roles in civil society, particularly during the mass protests that preceded the impeachment of former President Yoon Suk Yeol.

“Not only are there no female candidates, but even pledges addressing women are nearly nonexistent," one user wrote on the social media platform X. "It's disheartening, especially when so many young women stood and fought in the square.”

From left: Democratic Party candidate Lee Jae-myung, People Power Party candidate Kim Moon-soo, Reform Party candidate Lee Jun-seok and Democratic Labor Party candidate Kwon Young-gook [YONHAP]

Campaign silence on gender equality

Women continue to find themselves underrepresented not just in the voting booth but in the policymaking process as a whole.

In the last presidential election, the DP's Lee made women’s issues a prominent part of his platform, pledging to expand a nationwide system to combat digital sex crimes, enact laws to penalize dating violence and introduce a public wage disclosure system aimed at closing the gender pay gap.

But such priorities have faded this cycle.

Among his current top 10 campaign pledges, only three contain elements could be categorized as women-focused policies: a plan to make police-linked emergency services mandatory to improve safety for female small business owners, a proposal to strengthen penalties for intimate partner violence and introduce protective orders for victims, and a revived pledge to establish wage transparency policies promoting employment equality for working women.

As criticism mounted over the apparent scaling back of gender-related pledges, the DP announced it would release a separate women's policy package with its full range of proposals related to women’s rights and safety.

Candidates on the right have largely avoided or rolled back their gender equality agendas.

Women’s groups in Jeju hold a press conference at the Jeju Provincial Council on May 14 ahead of the presidential election, calling for the restoration and strengthening of national gender equality institutions, including the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family. [NEWS1]

Kim Moon-soo of the PPP focused on a proposal for voluntary military service for women and support for childrearing, while Lee Jun-seok of the Reform Party made the abolition of the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family his first policy pledge — echoing Yoon’s controversial 2022 campaign promise, which many saw as an appeal to antifeminist sentiment among young male voters.

Only Kwon Young-gook of the progressive minor Democratic Labor Party actively embraced a feminist platform.

He proposed elevating the Gender Ministry to the deputy prime minister level, passing a comprehensive antidiscrimination law, tightening regulations on global tech platforms in response to digital sex crimes, adopting a rape statute defined by the absence of consent, legal protections for reproductive rights and recognizing nonmarital births — distinguishing his candidacy from all others in the field.

"Around the world, progressive parties have typically led on gender and equality agendas," said Kim Eun-ju, director of the Center for Korean Women and Politics. "In that context, the DP’s ambiguous stance in this election is deeply concerning.

“They treat women voters as if they’re already in the bag," she added. "But when you neglect your base for too long, they eventually leave."

According to Heo, Korean society has "regressed" from President Moon Jae-in’s administration, which was once declared a "feminist presidency," while today’s leaders won’t even utter the word.

"Politics isn’t about short-term wins over one or two years. It should look ahead decades — sometimes even centuries — to the future of the nation, but today’s political leadership is dangerously shortsighted," the researcher said. "Real leadership would confront this issue directly, not dance between both sides trying to please everyone. That kind of risk-averse politics only fuels hatred and division."

Presidential candidates prepare for the second televised debate at the KBS studio in Yeongdeungpo District, Seoul, on May 23. [NEWS1]

Polarization continues during debate

Issues of social division again surfaced during the second presidential debate held last Friday.

The Reform Party's Lee, long criticized for polarizing rhetoric on gender, referenced the student protest at Dongduk Women’s University.

Students' jackets lie on the campus of Dongduk Women’s University in Seongbuk District, Seoul, on Nov. 12, 2024, in protest of a proposal to transition the school to coeducation. [YONHAP]

The Dongduk protest began as students staged a sit-in against a proposal to admit male students to the women’s university. While campus disputes are not uncommon, the case sparked intense national debate amplified by Korea’s ongoing backlash against feminism. Protesters faced online abuse and threats, turning a university policy issue into a flashpoint for wider gender tensions.

During the debate, the Reform Party nominee asked other candidates which stance they, as president, would take toward such a "violent incident" and action that "undermines public order," highlighting the destruction of property and disruption of campus operations.

"Your question is wrong," Kwon responded. "What triggered the protest? We must look at the cause."

Kwon continued, "You’re only talking about the resulting conflict.

"Your debate style feeds division — between men and women, between people with and without disabilities," he added. "Is this really how we build an inclusive society? Why do you always try to divide people?"

In response to Kim from the PPP's pledge to reinstate military service bonus points, the DP's Lee noted that the policy had previously been ruled unconstitutional.

“We do need to support young men who are required to serve in the military during their youth, but we also need to be mindful of women’s rights," DP's Lee said.

"Women are still structurally disadvantaged. Women face discrimination in wages, promotions, caregiving and childrearing," he continued. "That’s why I propose [post-employment recognition such as] military service credit or seniority benefits [rather than returning to a system] that disadvantages others.”

Reform Party candidate Lee Jun-seok shares lunch and conversation with students during a campaign event at Inha University in Incheon on May 22. [YONHAP]

Why parties are avoiding the issue

Some experts point to the growing political clout of young male voters in their 20s and 30s as a reason why candidates are shifting away from gender equality agendas.

“Young men do not believe that women of their generation have been disadvantaged, which fuels resentment toward policies aimed at gender equity,” said Kim Han-na, a professor at Jinju National University of Education. “Regardless of how much gender policies were actually implemented, President Moon’s self-identification as a feminist was enough to trigger significant backlash among young men.”

Men in their 20s have shown a strong preference for conservative candidates since the 2022 presidential election, citing issues like mandatory military service, perceived bias in hiring practices and opposition to feminist policies.

In that race, 58 percent of men in their 20s voted for the conservative candidate, compared to just 34 percent of women in the same age group. The split has since widened.

Korea is not alone in facing a gendered youth vote; countries like the United States, France and Japan have also seen similar divides. But the speed and intensity of Korea’s polarization — and its lack of female political leaders — make its case especially pronounced.

With the election just a week away, polls show continued divergence in the political leanings of men and women under 30, with little sign of convergence.

A scorched campaign poster of Green Party candidate Shin Ji-ye for Seoul mayor is seen on a school wall in Nowon District, northern Seoul, on June 4, 2018. Under election law, damaging campaign materials without legitimate cause is punishable by up to two years in prison or a fine of up to 4 million won ($2,920). The Green Party condemned the act as an attack on Shin’s feminist platform. [NEWS1]

Support for the DP among women in their 20s is 29 percentage points higher than among their male counterparts, while support for the PPP among men in their 20s is 25 points higher than among women in the same age group, according to polling by Gallup Korea from the fourth week of April — the most recent gender- and age-segmented polling available.

The trend persists among voters in their 30s as well — 42 percent of women in their 30s support the DP compared to just 20 percent for the PPP. Among men in their 30s, the split is narrower, with support for the DP at 35 percent and the PPP at 33 percent.

"Women will never go back to the past, but some men want to return to a male-dominated society and feel uncomfortable seeing women claim a bigger share of the pie," Heo said.

"In societies moving toward gender equality, it's common to see gender-based violence worsen as female visibility increases," she added. "I expect these hate-driven crimes to rise further — like women being attacked just for having short hair, as we've already seen. The state must be prepared to respond thoroughly."

BY SEO JI-EUN [[email protected]]