A government that surpasses the failures of the past eight years

Home > National > 2025 Presidential Election

A government that surpasses the failures of the past eight years

Published: 02 Jun. 2025, 00:02

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Chang Se-jeong

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

In a democracy, sovereignty lies with the people. Elections are not a symbolic ritual but a vital mechanism by which citizens choose public servants — those tasked with managing state affairs, not ruling over them. When Korea’s provisional government in Shanghai adopted a democratic republic in 1919, it marked a visionary break from the monarchy that collapsed in 1910. The independence leaders resolutely rejected a return to imperial rule and envisioned a modern political system in which the people were sovereign.

High school seniors pose for a photo after casting their first-ever ballots at an early voting station in Hwajeong 2-dong, Seo District, Gwangju, on May 29, the first day of early voting for Korea’s 21st presidential election. [YONHAP]

The Republic of Korea, founded in 1948 as the constitutional heir to that provisional government, has since built strong foundations for a democratic republic — despite internal turmoil and external threats. Today, it is the duty of this generation to safeguard and advance those democratic institutions.

Concerns have recently been raised about the potential collapse of the separation of powers. Some warn that if one party dominates the executive, legislative and judicial branches, the country could slide into a presidential authoritarian regime. Such fears reflect the need for constant vigilance. Allowing a leader to act like a master while citizens remain silent would betray the very essence of republican governance.

It is easy to place the blame for political failures solely on politicians. But voters must also reckon with the consequences of their choices. From this perspective, the past eight years — five under President Moon Jae-in and three under President Yoon Suk Yeol — represent a period of disarray and disappointment. And voters, as the ones who placed both men in office, must share in that responsibility.

As Koreans head to the polls for the June 3 presidential election, each citizen must vote with a sense of responsibility and reflection. Casting a ballot is not a gesture but an assertion of democratic ownership. In making that choice, voters would do well to view the Moon and Yoon administrations as cautionary tales.

Despite their differing ideologies, both governments shared a tendency toward unilateral governance. Moon launched sweeping investigations under the banner of rooting out corruption, deploying then-prosecutor Yoon as a key enforcer. That alliance later disintegrated into a power struggle, deepening divisions. Moon’s administration was also marked by housing policy failures that drove up home prices, making life more difficult for middle- and working-class citizens. His signature income-led growth model ignored fundamental economic principles, contributing to stagnation. On foreign policy, his conciliatory approach toward North Korea and China damaged national pride, even as Pyongyang continued advancing its nuclear weapons program.

Yoon’s presidency suffered its own crises. During the Itaewon crowd disaster, his administration focused more on protecting senior officials than addressing public grief. The death of a young Marine corporal was handled with opacity, undermining public trust in the military chain of command. The involvement of his wife, Kim Keon Hee, in luxury bag and artwork controversies further eroded confidence in the presidency. Ultimately, Yoon's decision to declare martial law on Dec. 3, 2024 — a move widely condemned as unconstitutional — proved to be the nadir of his administration, threatening the foundations of liberal democracy.

The next president must rise above these cumulative failures. Foremost, any influence exercised by a spouse or family member without legal grounds must be decisively blocked. Leaders who propose populist giveaways without regard for fiscal sustainability must be held in check.

With early voting completed and Election Day approaching, the dice have been cast. Once a winner is declared, a new administration will begin on June 4. In 2022, the margin of victory was just 0.73 percentage points. The loser never fully conceded, and the winner showed little magnanimity. The result was a prolonged period of intense political confrontation, leaving ordinary citizens to bear the cost.

From left, Democratic Party presidential candidate Lee Jae-myung, People Power Party candidate Kim Moon-soo, Reform Party candidate Lee Jun-seok and Democratic Labor Party candidate Kwon Young-guk appeal for voter support. [YONHAP]

There are historical lessons to consider. Ra Yong-gyun, an independence activist and vice speaker of Korea’s National Assembly, famously met Vladimir Lenin in Moscow in 1922. Disillusioned by the Soviet regime’s disregard for life, he moved to the United Kingdom in 1923, where he observed parliamentary democracy firsthand. There, he witnessed political leaders losing elections without losing their lives — a revelation for a young man from a colonized country.

Watching British politicians joke with their opponents — offering congratulations with a wry “You are a lucky devil” — Ra came to value the civility of liberal democracy. Upon Korea’s liberation, he championed a rational, parliamentary approach to politics.

If Korea is to follow in that tradition, it must turn its elections into moments of unity, not division. Only by embracing reconciliation — like the British model Ra admired — can the nation transform a fiercely contested election into the beginning of democratic healing.

Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.