Twilight of the Sixth Republic, dawn of the Seventh

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Twilight of the Sixth Republic, dawn of the Seventh

Published: 05 Jun. 2025, 00:02

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Chung Hyo-shik

The author is the social news editor at the JoongAng Ilbo.

Korea’s democratization in June 1987 was fundamentally a compromise. The June 29 Declaration, which paved the way for a return to direct presidential elections, was a product of negotiations between the pro-democracy movement and the ruling military regime. When voters went to the polls that December, opposition leaders Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung failed to unite. Their respective campaigns centered on ending military and authoritarian rule, but it was Roh Tae-woo — former strongman Chun Doo Hwan’s second-in-command — who won, ushering in the Sixth Republic.

President Lee Jae-myung takes the oath of office during the inauguration ceremony for Korea’s 21st president at the National Assembly in Yeouido, Seoul, on June 4. [JOINT PRESS CORPS]

The cost of this compromise was steep. Investigations into the 1979 military coup and the 1980 Gwangju crackdown were postponed until 1997, when final Supreme Court rulings were handed down. That delay contributed to the enduring label of Korea’s democratization as “incomplete.”

In the 38 years since, Korea has held nine presidential elections. Rather than focusing on national issues or future visions, many of these contests devolved into referendums on the incumbent. This pattern gave rise to a cycle of presidential trials and punishments. Public fascination with uncovering corruption among first families and close aides offered a temporary catharsis. But the consequences were stark: two presidents impeached and removed from office, five imprisoned and one who died during a prosecutorial investigation. The presidential system, born of democratic reform, swung between excessive concentration of power and legal downfall, leaving the institution deeply scarred.

The most recent example was former President Yoon Suk Yeol. While he publicly cited election fraud and the need for national “enlightenment” as reasons for his declaration of martial law last December, many believe the real motive was to obstruct a special investigation into corruption allegations involving his wife, Kim Keon Hee. By attempting to leverage military loyalty for personal and political survival, he violated his constitutional duty and pushed the country into a governance crisis.

Voters responded decisively. In the 21st presidential election, President Lee Jae-myung defeated People Power Party candidate Kim Moon-soo by over 2.89 million votes — a gap of 8.27 percentage points. This was a dramatic reversal of the previous election in which Lee had lost by just 247,077 votes. The scale of the turnaround suggests that many voters viewed Yoon’s actions as an attempted coup and chose to hold him accountable at the ballot box.

During his inauguration on June 4 at the National Assembly, President Lee named as his top priority the creation of “a nation where the people are sovereign.” He declared that “mutiny that robs the people of their sovereignty using the very guns they entrusted to the state must never be repeated.” He vowed to uncover the full truth behind the Dec. 3 martial law declaration and ensure that those responsible are held accountable.

Several bills have already been introduced by the Democratic Party (DP), including a special counsel bill to investigate the events surrounding the emergency decree, and an amendment to the Martial Law Act mandating written notice to the National Assembly in such cases. These proposals aim to prevent core military units — such as the Capital Defense Command, Special Warfare Command and Defense Security Command — from being exploited for political purposes.

President Lee possesses both the political momentum and legislative backing to act swiftly. His administration controls the executive branch and enjoys the support of a parliamentary bloc of 190 seats, including the DP, the Progressive Party and independents. While former Presidents Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye also began their terms with majorities, they faced internal party opposition and significant legislative checks. By contrast, Lee Jae-myung enters office with broad support within his camp. Even without direct intervention, the ruling bloc could complete special investigations and pass structural reforms within six months.

Former Presidents Roh Tae-woo (left) and Chun Doo Hwan appear at the appellate court hearing for the Dec. 12, 1979 military coup and May 18, 1980 Gwangju uprising cases in December 1996. [YONHAP]

Still, Lee’s agenda is crowded. On his first day in office, he received a trade negotiation demand from the Donald Trump administration. Meanwhile, Korea’s economy posted negative growth in the first quarter, signaling serious challenges ahead.

Throughout his campaign, President Lee pledged to avoid political retribution. In his inaugural address, he emphasized “unity” six times and promised to end the politics of division. To fulfill these commitments, he must revisit a pledge omitted from his speech: a constitutional revision. He previously vowed to hold a national referendum on the matter by the 2026 local elections or, at the latest, the 2028 general elections.

If he follows through, President Lee could bring an end to the era of retaliatory politics and lay the groundwork for a Seventh Republic built on institutionalized cooperation. It is a vision long held by parliamentary reformers such as Kim Young-sam, Kim Dae-jung and Roh Moo-hyun. The opportunity to fulfill that vision may now be within reach.

Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.