Toward a republic of diversity: Rethinking Korea’s uniform governance in a changing era
Published: 11 Jun. 2025, 00:01
Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI
The author is the president of Taejae University and vice chair of the Presidential Committee on AI.
At Tsukuba Station, a train hub on the outskirts of Tokyo, two types of escalators are offered: a regular one and a faster express version. On one side, passengers stand still; on the other, they walk briskly upward. In Korea, by contrast, escalators operate at a single speed, with signs warning against walking. Uniformity, not choice, dominates the system.
![Now-president Lee Jae-myung from the liberal Democratic Party sings the Korean national anthem at his final rally site in Yeouido, western Seoul, on June 2, a day ahead of the election. [KIM SEONG-RYONG]](https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/data/photo/2025/06/11/15560e4b-14a3-406b-9b90-9f35ff36ff14.jpg)
Now-president Lee Jae-myung from the liberal Democratic Party sings the Korean national anthem at his final rally site in Yeouido, western Seoul, on June 2, a day ahead of the election. [KIM SEONG-RYONG]
That contrast illustrates a broader issue. The 20th century was defined by mass production of standardized goods. But as MIT professors Michael Piore and Charles Sabel observed in "The Second Industrial Divide" (1984), the 21st century is shaped by flexibility — diverse products in small quantities, made possible by digital technologies. This shift enables more individualized ways of living and working.
Korea is no exception. Racial and cultural diversity have grown with the arrival of international students, migrant workers and multicultural families. Concepts of family have also expanded, including remarried households, same-sex couples and pet-centered living arrangements. In the United States, some communities recognize as many as 12 social genders, reflecting broader conceptions of identity beyond the traditional male-female binary.
The rise of artificial intelligence has accelerated this diversification. Where once centralized systems dominated — conglomerates, major cities, big-box retailers and public broadcasters — today’s reality is increasingly decentralized, with startups, smart cities, online retail and personal media platforms reshaping daily life.
As remote education and telemedicine become more viable, cities with populations of around 30,000 may offer more livable alternatives to sprawling urban centers. Toyota’s Woven City, first unveiled at CES 2020 as a prototype for a high-tech community, will open next year, showcasing how such diverse residential models can thrive.
![This photo provided by Woven by Toyota shows the square at the center of the apartment complexes of Woven City in Susono city, Shizuoka Prefecture on Feb. 2025. [AP/YONHAP]](https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/data/photo/2025/06/11/9d5d5b39-28d8-4095-8154-40f480db10a5.jpg)
This photo provided by Woven by Toyota shows the square at the center of the apartment complexes of Woven City in Susono city, Shizuoka Prefecture on Feb. 2025. [AP/YONHAP]
Despite these global trends, Korea remains bound to a uniform system of governance. A Japanese political science professor once remarked that Korea’s presidential election resembled a festival for choosing a new monarch every five years. This impression stems from Korea’s deep-rooted centralization. From the late Goryeo Dynasty (918-1392) through the Joseon era (1392-1910), kings wielded centralized authority and were expected to care for their people, even sharing their hardships during times of famine. Echoes of this paternalistic model persist, with some still viewing the president as a symbolic national father or mother.
Yet, a president is fundamentally a public servant — a representative elected to carry out the people’s will, not a ruler to dominate their lives. Policies like a blanket 52-hour workweek, fixed university admissions through a single national exam and the longstanding tuition freeze at private universities may have once served a purpose, but now feel increasingly outdated in an AI-driven society.
Why does the state continue to regulate so uniformly in a country full of diverse needs? Every election, Korea’s regions — especially Yeongnam and Honam — demonstrate differing political values. Why must a president elected with overwhelming support from only one region apply a one-size-fits-all approach? Shouldn’t those regions be allowed to operate under systems that reflect their distinct social and political preferences?
Switzerland offers a telling contrast. At a global conference of university presidents, an official from Zurich once mocked a counterpart from Geneva over a local referendum that banned 5G networks due to privacy concerns. In Switzerland, local votes can produce vastly different policies across cantons — an accepted aspect of its decentralized democracy.
Similarly, uniform tax policies — such as capital gains, income, and inheritance taxes — may not suit all sectors or regions. Flexible application of labor rules, educational autonomy allowing for a range of secondary school models and competitive local governance could foster both innovation and equity. Rather than a state that imposes sameness, Korea could embrace a system where individuals and businesses choose their environments based on local strengths and governance styles.
The current administration has criticized the Ministry of Economy and Finance’s dominance in budget allocations and plans to install a new senior fiscal adviser in the presidential office. But this could simply reinforce central control. True reform would mean rebalancing national and local taxation powers and ending the practice of funneling central grants to local governments with strings attached.
![On June 3, the day of the 21st presidential election, tourists crowd the Blue House in Jongno District, central Seoul. Once a symbol of power and more recently celebrated as a public space returned to the people, the Blue House is drawing renewed attention amid speculation that it could once again serve as the president’s office. [NEWS1]](https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/data/photo/2025/06/11/a5e01e37-ce8a-475b-9901-dddad8cce353.jpg)
On June 3, the day of the 21st presidential election, tourists crowd the Blue House in Jongno District, central Seoul. Once a symbol of power and more recently celebrated as a public space returned to the people, the Blue House is drawing renewed attention amid speculation that it could once again serve as the president’s office. [NEWS1]
While diplomacy and national security may require unified direction, economic and social policies could benefit from differentiated, regionally tailored governance. Korea’s future competitiveness depends on it.
Every presidential candidate in this year’s race promised to inaugurate a “Seventh Republic” through constitutional reform. But debates around four-year presidential terms miss the broader point. The real task is to build a system where local governments can enact diverse policies and where citizens and businesses are free to choose among them. That is the kind of constitution Korea needs for a truly diverse republic.
Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.
with the Korea JoongAng Daily
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