People Power Party stuck in the past as political center shifts to the capital region

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People Power Party stuck in the past as political center shifts to the capital region

Published: 12 Jun. 2025, 00:02

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Kim Jung-ha

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

Shortly after the Democratic Party’s landslide victory in last year’s general election, a column ran with the title “No Future for the Ruling Party Without Capital Region Gains.” The message was clear: Unless the People Power Party (PPP), whose leadership and legislative base remain heavily concentrated in the Yeongnam region, learned to cater to voters in the Seoul metropolitan area, the party’s survival would be at stake.

More than a year later, little has changed. After its crushing election loss, the PPP launched a new administration under Han Dong-hoon, but his brief tenure as chairman produced few meaningful outcomes. Blocked by competing pressures from the presidential office in Yongsan District, central Seoul, and internal factions loyal to former President Yoon Suk Yeol, Han struggled to redefine the party’s direction. As first lady Kim Keon Hee’s scandals grew into a broader political crisis, the PPP primarily functioned as a shield for the presidency, not an independent political force.

President Lee Jae-myung greets supporters after wrapping up his final campaign rally at Yeouido Park in Yeongdeungpo District, westernSeoul, on June 2, a day before the 21st presidential election. [NEWS1]

The declaration of martial law last year could have been a turning point. It gave the PPP an opportunity to sever ties with the Yoon administration and lay the foundation for a new conservative order. Instead, the party chose to stand firmly with Yoon, going all in to oppose his impeachment. The result of the recent presidential election, therefore, should not come as a surprise. The PPP has no grounds to claim injustice — it walked straight into defeat. The impeachment debate framed the election as a binary: support versus opposition to impeachment, a structure that overwhelmingly favored the Democratic Party. That framing was set by the PPP itself.

The party’s strategic misjudgment can be traced to its deep-rooted Yeongnam-centered political culture. Yeongnam remains the stronghold of Korean conservatism and the PPP’s power base. Of the PPP’s 107 lawmakers, nearly 60 percent are either elected in the Yeongnam region or proportional representatives from that area. Hard-line conservative sentiment is more pronounced in Yeongnam than in the capital region. The party’s fierce opposition to impeachment can be understood, at least in part, as a response to the demands of its most loyal supporters.

However, political dominance in Korea has long since shifted to the greater Seoul area. Nearly half all National Assembly seats and more than 50 percent of the presidential electorate is in the capital region. In the recent presidential election, President Lee Jae-myung defeated the PPP’s Kim Moon-soo by 2.89 million votes nationwide — 1.95 million of which came from the capital area alone. The contest was essentially decided in Seoul, Incheon and Gyeonggi.

This regional dynamic is even more pronounced in legislative elections. Under Korea’s single-member district system, even slight disadvantages in the capital region translate into devastating seat losses. In last year’s general election, the Democratic Party won 53.7 percent of the vote in the capital region compared to 44.4 percent for the PPP, resulting in a lopsided seat count: 102 to 19. This collapse in the capital region played a direct role in the downfall of the Yoon administration.

The Democratic Party understands this reality well. While its core support lies in Honam, it has long recognized that a showdown of Gyeongsang and Jeolla guarantees defeat. For years, the party has focused its resources and messaging on the capital region. Few prominent Democratic Party officials hold seats in Honam. During presidential elections, the party has even gone so far as to sideline potential candidates from Honam. The last three Democratic presidents — Roh Moo-hyun, Moon Jae-in and Lee — were all lawyers from the Yeongnam region. This alignment is no coincidence; it is the product of the long-term strategy of the party and its base.

Former Labor Minister Kim Moon-soo campaigns in Busan on June 2. [NEWS1]

In contrast, the PPP remains stuck in a 20th-century mindset. The party appears to believe that sweeping the Yeongnam region is enough to offset losses in the capital. That approach may have worked in the past, but it no longer holds in a country shaped by demographic and geographic change. If the PPP continues to lag in the capital region, national losses will follow.

To recover, the PPP must overhaul its leadership structure and policy orientation to reflect capital region priorities. As long as sitting lawmakers dominate internal decision-making, the Yeongnam region’s influence will remain disproportionate. The party must create space for unelected voices in the capital region to guide its direction. It should also discourage politicians from switching constituencies from Seoul to Yeongnam to seek safer seats. More boldly, it could consider requiring lawmakers who have served three terms in Yeongnam to run in the capital region for their next election.

The diagnosis is already clear. The PPP is facing a crisis rooted in its failure to evolve beyond its regional base. Unless it transforms into a party that resonates with the capital region’s electorate, it will remain mired in decline. With local elections now less than a year away, time is running out.

Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.