The 86 Generation rises to power at last

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The 86 Generation rises to power at last

Published: 13 Jun. 2025, 00:01

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Park Myung-lim

The author is a political professor of Yonsei University.

Korean politics, long shaped by clashing forces, is beginning to settle after months of turbulence. Over the past six months, the forces that shaped political outcomes have shifted dramatically — from force to protest, protest to law and law to the ballot box.

These four pillars — military force, mass mobilization, constitutional law and the electoral process — represent the fundamental mechanisms of modern politics. Each has been activated in succession. When the use of force — through a failed martial law attempt — was set in motion by one man’s reckless ambition, the country had to counter it step-by-step. Citizens took to the streets, the Constitutional Court intervened, and finally, the people voted. The entire state apparatus, including both political camps, the law, and the public, had to mobilize to overcome a crisis that would have been unnecessary under normal leadership.

Flags carried by protesters calling for the impeachment of former President Yoon Suk Yeol are seen near the National Assembly building on April 4. [KIM JONG-HO]

In retrospect, this ordeal exposed both the strength and fragility of Korean democracy. It reminds us of our capacity to respond peacefully and constitutionally to authoritarian overreach, but also of how close the system came to failing to screen out a destructive leader. The individual in question not only halved his own term but also fell from being the nation's chief legal authority to awaiting justice under the very laws he once administered.

Anti-Yoon Suk Yeol protesters rally in central Seoul near Anguk Station on Apr. 4, demanding the Constitutional Court rule for the impeachment of former President Yoon. [YOON SEUNG-JIN]

History rewards and punishes those entrusted with power. The same system that grants authority also exacts a toll — sometimes over time, sometimes in place, sometimes in stature. This is an inescapable feature of power. Napoleon understood it well: for him, power brought not only glory but disgrace.

Korea’s political history reflects this dynamic. The first generation of rulers — those of the liberation and founding eras — held power in the name of restoring sovereignty and building the nation, but were later ousted through mass uprisings and military coups.

The military, after defeating external communist threats and leading industrialization, also fell — undone by the assassinations, massacres and mass demonstrations that followed. Korea’s final military dictator, in the end, found no safe haven even in death.

The first democratically elected administrations, led by Kim Young-sam and Kim Dae-jung, managed to avoid severe backlash. Their emphasis on parliamentary governance, dialogue and coalition politics reduced the political costs typically associated with centralized power.

Next came the political prosecutors, who gained dominance before ultimately falling into disrepute. Ironically, it took a former prosecutor-president’s own assault on the Constitution to trigger sweeping reform of the prosecution service.

Students protest in Gwangju, South Jeolla for democracy on May 18, 1980. The protest lasted until May 27 and martial law took the lives of hundreds of young Korean. [JOONGANG PHOTO]

What is striking is how thoroughly this individual helped dismantle the conservative establishment. He lost the power to appoint justices, reshaping the judiciary in his opponents’ favor. His actions even led to questions about whether the conservative party remained constitutionally legitimate.

Now, the 86 Generation has taken the reins. Members of this activist generation — born in the 1960s, educated in the 1980s — have long held influence but never before occupied the apex of state power. They now lead all three branches of government: legislative, executive and judicial. Whether they can avoid the fate of past regimes remains to be seen.

There is a way forward: they must share power. That means building policy coalitions, pursuing political alliances and bridging generational divides. Otherwise, the rewards of power could soon turn into penalties.

The 86 Generation must remain humble. As shown by their alignment with prosecutors during past reform campaigns, they are no less prone to centralized control than their predecessors. The wisest thinkers across history have urged moderation in politics precisely to avoid the ruin that comes with arrogance and monopolization.

Politics, which serves the entire nation, belongs neither to elites nor to commoners, neither to one side nor the other. It stands at the center — between movement and law, between administration and governance. To call politics “the center” is to remind leaders of their duty to balance competing interests and serve the whole.

New President Lee Jae-myung salutes the flag at his inauguration ceremony at the National Assembly in western Seoul on June 4. [LIM HYUNG-DONG]

This is a moment to learn from past failures. Previous regimes collapsed because they chose confrontation — through courts and coercion — over dialogue and compromise. Today’s leaders must resist reusing the same black-and-white logic, even from the opposite side. Success requires breaking free from that binary logic.

Though the election was framed as a judgment on an attempted insurrection, the Korean people distributed their votes almost evenly between the two camps. This golden ratio is another name for moderation. The public has shown the way — now it is up to those in power to follow it with humility.

If the 86 Generation seeks to leave behind a legacy of national unity, not just a monopoly on reward, they must prioritize humility, decentralization, and cooperative governance. Only then can they avoid paying the price that history demands of all who wield power.

Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.