What the conservative shift among young men reveals about Korean society

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What the conservative shift among young men reveals about Korean society

Published: 16 Jun. 2025, 00:03

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Kim Sung-tak

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

As the administration of President Lee Jae-myung begins shaping its governance strategy and making key appointments, much of the public’s attention has turned to his next moves. Yet, one striking political trend revealed during the recent presidential election deserves closer scrutiny: the continued rightward shift among men in their 20s and 30s.

Since the major defeat of the Democratic Party (DP) in the April 2021 by-elections, attributed by many to a backlash from young men — often referred to as the “20s male” or idaenam cohort — the conservative tilt among this demographic has only deepened through the 2022 and 2025 presidential elections.

The Ministry of Gender Equality and Family at the government complex in central Seoul in 2022. [YONHAP]

According to exit polls conducted by Korea’s three major broadcasters, only 24 percent of men in their 20s supported DP candidate Lee Jae-myung in the latest presidential vote. In contrast, 37.2 percent backed Lee Jun-seok of the Reform Party, while 36.9 percent voted for Kim Moon-soo of the People Power Party. Combined, the conservative-leaning vote reached 74.1 percent. This marked a further shift from the 2022 election, when 58.7 percent of men in their 20s voted for then-candidate Yoon Suk Yeol, compared to 36.3 percent for Lee.

Among men in their 30s, the trend was similar, though less pronounced. In this year’s vote, 37.9 percent supported Lee, while Kim and Lee Jun-seok garnered 34.5 percent and 25.8 percent, respectively. This also represented a stronger conservative lean compared to 2022, when 52.8 percent supported Yoon and 42.6 percent backed Lee.

In contrast, women in their 20s and 30s voted overwhelmingly for Lee Jae-myung, at rates of 58.1 percent and 57.3 percent, respectively — exceeding their support levels from the previous election. Even among voters in their 60s and older, a traditionally conservative bloc, Lee gained more support this time, likely due in part to disillusionment with the former president’s failed attempt to declare martial law. Without the conservative votes from young men, Lee’s margin of victory would have been significantly larger.

The political shift among young men became increasingly visible during the Moon Jae-in administration. A 2019 report by the Presidential Committee on Policy Planning sought to analyze the decline in support among men in their 20s. It observed that while young women were emerging as a progressive force grounded in values such as individualism and feminism, their male counterparts were gravitating toward economic self-preservation and pragmatism.

The report pointed out that young men widely perceive reverse discrimination in areas ranging from legal protections to daily social life. It also noted that government policies were often seen as disproportionately favoring women. The administration’s failure to communicate a more balanced message, combined with certain gender-focused initiatives by ruling-party politicians, further alienated young male voters. This lack of inclusive policy direction appears to have persisted into the recent election cycle.

Beneath the surface of growing gender polarization lies a deeper sense of anxiety among the younger generation. According to Jeong Hye-ju, a professor of health policy at Korea University, the cohort born in the 1990s — the current core of the youth vote — is the most gender-imbalanced in modern Korean history, partly due to a higher rate of sex-selective abortions in the past. At the same time, this generation faces the harsh reality of being the first in modern Korea expected to live materially poorer lives than their parents.

Korea’s highly competitive meritocratic system has also shaped the psyche of young voters. Raised in a world defined by exam scores and university rankings, many believed academic achievement would lead to professional success. But with low growth now the norm and upward mobility increasingly rare, the optimism that once underpinned the Korean dream has faded. For many, this has bred resentment and a sense of betrayal.

Women's rights activists hold a rally in front of Busan City Hall to criticize budget cut for gender equality policies in March last year. [SONG BONG-GEUN]

In this context, policies that appear to favor women are seen by some young men as violating the principle of fairness. That sentiment helped fuel the popularity of Yoon Suk Yeol’s 2022 campaign promise to abolish the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family. Meanwhile, young women struggling in the same competitive landscape often lack even the outlet of blaming others. Experts have warned that this dynamic contributes to rising suicide rates among women in their 20s.

The gender divide in youth voting patterns has now reached a critical point. Young people, regardless of gender, find themselves without a clear path upward, yet remain fractured by mutual distrust. To address this, the government must move beyond gendered policies and reduce the competitiveness of the education system. More importantly, political leaders must refrain from exploiting gender divisions to win votes.

Today’s youth are not simply becoming more conservative or progressive. Rather, they are grappling with a new and painful reality. That anguish — across gender lines — is what political leadership must finally acknowledge and address.

Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.