Why President Lee needs a devil’s advocate

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Why President Lee needs a devil’s advocate

Published: 16 Jun. 2025, 00:01

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Lee Ha-kyung

The author is a senior columnist at the JoongAng Ilbo.

President Lee Jae-myung’s early leadership is earning praise. Although still in the opening weeks of his term, he has signaled a shift in political tone and policy direction. He has held Cabinet meetings with ministers appointed under the previous Yoon Suk Yeol administration, encouraging open discussion. One minister remarked it was the first time they had ever spoken at such a meeting.

President Lee Jae-myung speaks to the heads of Korea’s five largest conglomerates and six major business organizations during a meeting at the presidential office in Yongsan District, central Seoul on June 13. [JOINT PRESS CORPS]

Lee also visited the Korea Exchange, where he warned against market manipulation and pledged to elevate stocks to a level of investment on par with real estate. “Anyone toying with the market must lose everything,” he said. This message of pragmatic market reform, backed by his grasp of capital markets, was welcomed by investors, helping lift the benchmark index for several days.

When Lee abruptly halted loudspeaker propaganda broadcasts near the inter-Korean border, North Korea responded in kind. Tensions eased and residents near the border expressed relief.

President Lee Jae-myung salutes the national flag during a Cabinet meeting at the presidential office in Yongsan District, central Seoul, on June 10. [YONHAP]

Meeting with the heads of Korea’s five major conglomerates and business associations, Lee called for a “one-team” approach between the government and private sector, promising to eliminate unnecessary regulations. When allegations surfaced that Senior Presidential Secretary for Civil Affairs Oh Kwang-su held real estate assets under borrowed names, Lee quickly accepted his resignation, in line with public sentiment.

His broad gestures toward political unity have been well received. A recent poll showed that seven in 10 Koreans expect him to perform well as president.

Still, complacency would be premature. The biggest risk to Lee’s presidency may come from within — specifically from hard-liners in his own party. Lee owes his rise, in part, to their backing, making it difficult to push back. Those elements are now pushing aggressively to dismantle the prosecution service within three months. Their plan involves transferring indictment authority to a new agency and investigative authority to another.

Under proposed changes, all criminal investigations would fall under a newly established National Investigation Commission reporting to the prime minister. This would mark the most dramatic overhaul of the criminal justice system in 76 years. Such centralized power may seem appealing now but could become a liability if the administration loses control. Another proposed reform — to increase the number of Supreme Court justices from 14 to 30 — also demands extensive public debate.

Appointing Lee Seung-yeop, the president’s former attorney, to the Constitutional Court raises questions of conflict of interest. Some within the ruling camp have even proposed disbanding the opposition People Power Party, citing its past support for martial law and opposition to impeachment. These are dangerous ideas.

To his credit, President Lee has shown some restraint. He delayed a proposed revision of the Criminal Procedure Act that would have suspended trials against sitting presidents — an initiative led by hard-liners. Given the Seoul High Court’s recent decision to postpone Lee’s own trial, moving forward on that bill could have provoked backlash.

He must also resist other overreaches that could derail his unity agenda. The three newly approved independent counsel probes — into alleged insurrection, the conduct of former first lady Kim Keon Hee, and the death of Marine Lance Corporal Chae Su-geun — will mobilize 577 personnel, including 120 prosecutors. Investigations of this scale must remain narrowly focused and swift.

A former prosecutor general once told this writer, “Too many prosecutors, and you end up creating crimes that don’t exist.” Overzealous purges of past misdeeds risk looking like political revenge and could trap the Lee administration in the same cycle that ultimately paralyzed Yoon’s presidency. The Yoon government’s sweeping investigations into both former President Moon Jae-in and then-opposition leader Lee Jae-myung isolated the opposition and cost it crucial public support. That mistake should not be repeated.

Now, opposition figures are reportedly scrambling — changing phones, shredding documents, even leaving the country. The economic climate is as strained as during the 1997 IMF crisis. Globally, Korea faces mounting diplomatic and security challenges. In such a precarious environment, weakening the opposition’s institutional function only heightens risk.

This is why Lee must welcome voices of dissent, not sideline them. President John F. Kennedy designated his brother, Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, as his “devil’s advocate.” During the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, it was this role that disrupted groupthink and helped avert World War III by opting for a naval blockade over a preemptive strike.

The National Assembly reviews three special counsel probe bills on June 5, including investigations into alleged insurrection, former First Lady Kim Keon Hee, and the death of Corporal Chae. [YONHAP]

Lee, too, needs a counterweight to challenge his assumptions and decisions. That role could fall to key allies such as former lawmaker Chung Dong-young, who introduced Lee to politics; Lee Han-joo, his longtime mentor and now head of the National Policy Planning Commission; and close confidants like lawmakers Jung Sung-ho, Park Ji-won, and prime minister nominee Kim Min-seok. A well-functioning opposition should also play this role.

Presidential speed and decisiveness must be tempered by thoughtful checks. That balance is what prevents mistakes and yields lasting accomplishments.

“I have much to learn,” the president must remind himself. “So, I must always listen and remain open to change." In the "Tao Te Ching," Lao Tzu writes, “To bend is to remain whole.” He also notes that by doing so, “one does not contend” — conflict becomes unnecessary.

Lee has fought many political battles to get here. But as president, perpetual confrontation will only unsettle the country. Now is the time for a different approach — one that can lead to a successful presidency.

Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.