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Can Korea’s conservative party split between Seoul and its stronghold?

Published: 18 Jun. 2025, 00:02

Ko Jung-ae

The author is the editor-in-chief of the JoongAng Sunday.

When I texted a longtime friend — reserved and center-right in his politics — that I was meeting a certain figure in the People Power Party (PPP), his reply startled me. “That clown in the PPP?” he shot back with an added expletive. The person in question is not particularly controversial, and my friend is usually composed. I replied, “You must not like him.” He called me immediately.

“It’s not him,” he clarified. “I like him too. That comment was for the PPP. It’s a party that shouldn’t exist.”

Song Eon-seok, newly elected floor leader of the People Power Party, raises hands with former floor leader Kweon Seong-dong and interim leader Kim Yong-tae during a general meeting of the party's lawmakers to elect its 2025 floor leader at the National Assembly in Yeouido, western Seoul, on June 16. [LIM HYUN-DONG]

He is not alone in his sentiment. According to a recent Korea Gallup poll, support for the PPP sits at 21 percent — less than half of the 46 percent for the Democratic Party (DP). Outside of its traditional base in Daegu and North Gyeongsang, the PPP garners little enthusiasm. In most settings, it's hard to find anyone who openly supports the party. Even those who lean conservative hesitate to say so.

The PPP seems aware of its troubles. Newly elected floor leader Song Eon-seok has said the party needs “change and renewal.” But it’s unclear if the party understands the depth of public frustration. Song is firmly aligned with the pro-Yoon Suk Yeol faction — one of the key groups widely blamed for the party’s ongoing troubles.

Commentator Jin Jung-kwon recently noted that “in a party where abnormality is the norm, the only constant is the pro-Yoon faction.” Despite reshuffles in leadership, it remains in control — raising and dropping figures at will, always at the center of the party’s direction.

This faction is not new. In the past, they were loyalists to Lee Hoi-chang or Park Geun-hye. Many hail from districts where party nomination is effectively a ticket to victory. For them, internal party dynamics matter more than public opinion. Their strength lies in numbers, and in the absence of a clear leader, they grow stronger.

In the early 2000s, they at least showed restraint. After the 2002 presidential defeat, many voluntarily sat out the general election. In 2007, they stepped aside for reformists. Today, however, they wield accusations of “betrayal” against dissenters and refuse to yield ground. Shame has faded.

Will they back down now? Unlikely. A young reform-minded lawmaker from the Seoul region was briefly considered as interim party leader but is already being sidelined for raising uncomfortable points. Han Dong-hoon, once seen as a symbol of reform, is burning political capital in an internal brawl — and ironically helping to unify the faction he once challenged.

This political atmosphere makes it difficult for the PPP to produce new leadership through its next convention. Reformist voices from Seoul have been depleted by successive election defeats. Talented newcomers avoid the PPP label, seeing little hope under its banner. Voters, in turn, find no one worth supporting.

It’s a vicious cycle of despair for conservatives. But a way out may exist: allowing conservatives in Seoul and the Gyeongsang regions to operate separately, while coordinating electorally. Germany’s Christian Democratic Union (CDU)-Christian Social Union (CSU) model is worth examining. Bavaria was once independent enough to maintain its own military. The CDU failed to gain traction in Bavaria, while the CSU lacked national reach. In 1947, the two agreed to divide their turf: CSU would represent Bavaria, CDU the rest. Despite occasional tensions, their alliance has held to this day.

Kim Yong-tae, emergency committee head of the People Power Party, bows in apology during a press conference at the National Assembly in Yeouido, western Seoul, on May 21. [NEWS1]

In Korea’s capital region, many voters cannot bring themselves to vote for the Democratic Party — but absolutely refuse to support the PPP. These voters deserve a credible alternative. Under current conditions, the PPP is unlikely to offer one. But what other option is there?

When I asked my friend if he would vote for a conservative party based in Seoul, he answered, “If it were led by younger people.” That sentiment is not uncommon.

If the conservative movement is to remain relevant, it may need to rethink not just its leadership but its structure — and start listening to voters who have already turned away.

Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.