Communication and cooperation: The key to national unity and technological advancement
Published: 20 Jun. 2025, 00:01
Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI
Kim Myung-ja
The author is the Chair of the Board at KAIST, and Former Minister of Environment
As President Lee Jae Myung begins his term, international observers are closely watching Korea’s path forward. Having served in the administration of President Kim Dae-jung, I find it notable that many foreign commentaries are drawing comparisons between the two leaders.
A report by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) described Korea’s current situation as “from the frying pan into the fire,” saying Lee faces the toughest challenges since Kim took office during the 1997 financial crisis. CSIS also noted a “quiet crisis” in the U.S.-Korea alliance, including strategic flexibility discussions and a review of partial troop withdrawals.
![Democratic Party presidential candidate Lee Jae Myung poses for a photo with supporters while on the campaign trail on Eunhengjeongi Street in Daejeon on May 12. [JOONGANG ILBO]](https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/data/photo/2025/06/20/2ce2d777-0469-463b-912b-d6ddaba53e96.jpg)
Other international outlets echoed these views. The Associated Press noted that Lee’s progressive stance and emphasis on welfare mirror Kim’s policy orientation. The Guardian described Lee’s pursuit of a pragmatic foreign policy, balancing ties with the United States and China, as reminiscent of Kim’s diplomatic diversification.
Lee reportedly referred to Kim’s inaugural address when preparing his own for the June 4 swearing-in ceremony. In it, Lee emphasized economic growth and national unity, mentioning “just integration” many times. He underscored a pragmatic market-oriented approach, stating he would adopt any useful policy, regardless of whether it originated with Park Chung Hee or Kim Dae-jung. Now, attention turns to how those declarations will be realized. He must win the trust of the 50.58 percent who did not vote for him and demonstrate that the launch of three special investigations tied to the previous administration is not political retaliation, nor is the ruling party’s legislative majority a license for unilateral governance.
None of this will be easy, but all of it is necessary.
![Then Democratic Party presidential candidate Lee Jae Myung is seen during his visit to the Agency for Defense Development headquarters in Daejeon on April 17 [JOINT PRESS CORPS]](https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/data/photo/2025/06/20/2ae604a8-dedd-4feb-86b4-f0a9c88079a3.jpg)
President Abraham Lincoln’s second inaugural address in March 1865 remains a powerful model of unity. With 700,000 lives lost in the American Civil War, Lincoln stood before a fractured nation. In just 703 words, he offered neither triumphalism toward the North nor blame toward the South. Instead, he called for reconciliation, saying the entire nation bore responsibility for the sin of slavery.
President Kim Dae-jung embodied similar values of unity in his appointments. He formed a progressive-conservative coalition with Kim Jong-pil and yielded half of the cabinet. He named Kim Jung-kwon — then a three-term lawmaker from the former ruling party and a senior aide under President Roh Tae-woo — as his chief of staff. Lee Jong-chan, a four-term lawmaker from the same conservative lineage, became the first director of the National Intelligence Service. Lee Hong-koo, a former prime minister under President Kim Young-sam and leader of the ruling party, was appointed ambassador to the United States.
Kim himself endured over four decades of exile, house arrest, five brushes with death and six years of imprisonment. To evade surveillance, he would often play FM radio in the background. Yet, once in office, he forgave his adversaries and worked toward national unity. He even served as honorary chair of the committee to build a memorial for Park Chung Hee. Former President Chun Doo-hwan later remarked that it was under Kim’s presidency that former leaders felt most at ease.
I was one of the many with no political ties whom Kim Dae-jung entrusted with public office. He appointed me Minister of Environment, a post I held longer than any predecessor until I stepped down after his term ended. My only connection was that I had drafted a science and technology policy report during his transition and presented an innovation plan for overcoming the financial crisis in early 1998. I proposed a set of strategies including the establishment of a central science and technology coordination body and the launch of a technical assistance team for emergency support.
The Kim administration set three guiding principles: democratic governance, a democratic market economy and productive welfare. It carried out sweeping reforms in business, finance, the public sector, and labor. It also developed a robust science and technology policy to support informatization and enhance national competitiveness. Key achievements included the creation of the Presidential Science and Technology Council, the enactment of Korea’s first Basic Law on Science and Technology, the elevation of the Ministry of Science and Technology, a substantial increase in R&D budgets from 12 trillion won in 1998 to 16 trillion won in 2002, and the launch of major initiatives in nuclear energy, IT, biotechnology, nanotechnology, culture, environment and space technologies. Venture industries received strong support.
![Chaebol heads of the top five conglomerates of Korea meet with former President Kim Dae-joong, third from right, at the Blue House on March 12, 2001. [JOONGANG PHOTO]](https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/data/photo/2025/06/20/f2019962-4183-44c4-b53d-a81578399e45.jpg)
The crisis Korea faces today is arguably more complex than the IMF crisis of 1997. Korea’s global competitiveness ranking, as measured by IMD, dropped from 20th last year to 27th this year. There is no time to waste on division and infighting. What we need is emergency leadership.
Populism must be avoided. Unity can only be achieved through listening, dialogue, and cooperation. President Lee has emphasized science and technology as the engine of real national growth. He advocates for state-led strategies, massive investments, and infrastructure overhauls in AI, semiconductors, batteries, and aerospace. But rhetoric must be followed by concrete action.
To overcome fiscal constraints and deliver meaningful economic and social outcomes from R&D, morale within the scientific community must be restored and entrepreneurial spirit revitalized. Most critically, real leaders must be appointed — people capable of crafting and executing effective strategies. That is the only way Korea can achieve a technological renaissance amid the Fourth Industrial Revolution.
Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.
The author is the Chair of the Board at KAIST, and Former Minister of Environment
As President Lee Jae Myung begins his term, international observers are closely watching Korea’s path forward. Having served in the administration of President Kim Dae-jung, I find it notable that many foreign commentaries are drawing comparisons between the two leaders.
A report by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) described Korea’s current situation as “from the frying pan into the fire,” saying Lee faces the toughest challenges since Kim took office during the 1997 financial crisis. CSIS also noted a “quiet crisis” in the U.S.-Korea alliance, including strategic flexibility discussions and a review of partial troop withdrawals.
Democratic Party presidential candidate Lee Jae Myung poses for a photo with supporters while on the campaign trail on Eunhengjeongi Street in Daejeon on May 12. [JOONGANG ILBO]
Lee reportedly referred to Kim’s inaugural address when preparing his own for the June 4 swearing-in ceremony. In it, Lee emphasized economic growth and national unity, mentioning “just integration” many times. He underscored a pragmatic market-oriented approach, stating he would adopt any useful policy, regardless of whether it originated with Park Chung Hee or Kim Dae-jung. Now, attention turns to how those declarations will be realized. He must win the trust of the 50.58 percent who did not vote for him and demonstrate that the launch of three special investigations tied to the previous administration is not political retaliation, nor is the ruling party’s legislative majority a license for unilateral governance.
None of this will be easy, but all of it is necessary.
Then Democratic Party presidential candidate Lee Jae Myung is seen during his visit to the Agency for Defense Development headquarters in Daejeon on April 17 [JOINT PRESS CORPS]
President Kim Dae-jung embodied similar values of unity in his appointments. He formed a progressive-conservative coalition with Kim Jong-pil and yielded half of the cabinet. He named Kim Jung-kwon — then a three-term lawmaker from the former ruling party and a senior aide under President Roh Tae-woo — as his chief of staff. Lee Jong-chan, a four-term lawmaker from the same conservative lineage, became the first director of the National Intelligence Service. Lee Hong-koo, a former prime minister under President Kim Young-sam and leader of the ruling party, was appointed ambassador to the United States.
Kim himself endured over four decades of exile, house arrest, five brushes with death and six years of imprisonment. To evade surveillance, he would often play FM radio in the background. Yet, once in office, he forgave his adversaries and worked toward national unity. He even served as honorary chair of the committee to build a memorial for Park Chung Hee. Former President Chun Doo-hwan later remarked that it was under Kim’s presidency that former leaders felt most at ease.
I was one of the many with no political ties whom Kim Dae-jung entrusted with public office. He appointed me Minister of Environment, a post I held longer than any predecessor until I stepped down after his term ended. My only connection was that I had drafted a science and technology policy report during his transition and presented an innovation plan for overcoming the financial crisis in early 1998. I proposed a set of strategies including the establishment of a central science and technology coordination body and the launch of a technical assistance team for emergency support.
The Kim administration set three guiding principles: democratic governance, a democratic market economy and productive welfare. It carried out sweeping reforms in business, finance, the public sector, and labor. It also developed a robust science and technology policy to support informatization and enhance national competitiveness. Key achievements included the creation of the Presidential Science and Technology Council, the enactment of Korea’s first Basic Law on Science and Technology, the elevation of the Ministry of Science and Technology, a substantial increase in R&D budgets from 12 trillion won in 1998 to 16 trillion won in 2002, and the launch of major initiatives in nuclear energy, IT, biotechnology, nanotechnology, culture, environment and space technologies. Venture industries received strong support.
Chaebol heads of the top five conglomerates of Korea meet with former President Kim Dae-joong, third from right, at the Blue House on March 12, 2001. [JOONGANG PHOTO]
Populism must be avoided. Unity can only be achieved through listening, dialogue, and cooperation. President Lee has emphasized science and technology as the engine of real national growth. He advocates for state-led strategies, massive investments, and infrastructure overhauls in AI, semiconductors, batteries, and aerospace. But rhetoric must be followed by concrete action.
To overcome fiscal constraints and deliver meaningful economic and social outcomes from R&D, morale within the scientific community must be restored and entrepreneurial spirit revitalized. Most critically, real leaders must be appointed — people capable of crafting and executing effective strategies. That is the only way Korea can achieve a technological renaissance amid the Fourth Industrial Revolution.
Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.
with the Korea JoongAng Daily
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