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What Now? Former president Yoon faces mounting legal pressure

Published: 20 Jun. 2025, 00:02

Kang Joo-an

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

On Dec. 4, 2024, just past 1:20 a.m., former President Yoon Suk Yeol reportedly turned to then-Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun and asked, “What now?” The question followed an unprecedented declaration of martial law the previous day. According to courtroom testimony from Kim Cheol-jin, former military adviser to the defense minister, Yoon had rushed to the Joint Chiefs of Staff’s Combat Control Center after the National Assembly passed a resolution demanding an end to the martial law declaration. When informed that 500 troops had been deployed around the National Assembly, Yoon allegedly retorted, “You should’ve sent 1,000,” before demanding to know what came next.

Former President Yoon Suk Yeol, center, arrives at the Seoul Central District Court on Monday to attend the seventh hearing of his insurrection trial. [YONHAP]

Viewed in hindsight, Yoon’s question — “What now?” — sounded less like a command and more like a foreboding admission of the crisis to come. The testimony surfaced on Monday, the same day President Lee Jae Myung and first lady Kim Hea Kyung boarded the presidential plane at Seoul Air Base en route to the Group of 7 Summit in Canada. Had the martial law declaration never occurred, it might have been Yoon and former first lady Kim Keon Hee smiling and waving in front of the presidential jet. Instead, the couple, who relinquished the presidential office two years earlier than expected, faced a drastically different reality. Later that day, Kim Keon Hee was admitted to Asan Medical Center with symptoms of depression.

That same day, Yoon appeared in front of reporters outside the courthouse. What he said, however, surprised many.

“Can you not block my view? I want to see my supporters.”

This was his first spontaneous remark to the reporters who had covered every court appearance through seven trials. Video footage showed that the reporter addressing Yoon was considerably shorter than him, and it appeared that the bodyguards — not the press — were obstructing his view. Still, Yoon’s annoyance was directed solely at the reporter.

Why the outburst? It may have been triggered by the question posed moments earlier: “Will you comply if the special prosecutor requests an appearance?” and “Do you believe all three independent probes are political retaliation?” The mention of “three special prosecutors” and “summons” may have rattled the former president’s composure.

More pressing than the special investigations, however, is Yoon’s ongoing conflict with the police. On June 19, he refused to appear for questioning for a third time. In Korea, ignoring three summons typically warrants arrest. While Yoon maintains that the allegations are baseless and the summons unjustified, common legal practice dictates that such claims be presented in person to investigators.

Moreover, resentment toward Yoon runs deep within the police. In January, during an attempt by the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials and police to execute an arrest warrant at Yoon’s residence in Hannam-dong, Yongsan District, central Seoul, security agents under Yoon reportedly used physical force to block them. Friction also lingers from Yoon’s decision, early in his presidency, to create a police bureau within the Ministry of the Interior and Safety. A study by administrative law scholar Lee Eun-ae noted that every senior police officer who attended a protest meeting against the bureau was subsequently sidelined in the next round of promotions.

Many now argue that the investigation into Yoon must proceed according to the rule of law, especially given the perception that the former administration sought to undermine police independence. As Hwang Woon-ha, a former police officer and now a lawmaker with the Reform Party, put it, “If you weren’t planning to request an arrest warrant, you shouldn’t have summoned him in the first place.” A former senior prosecutor also noted that in the absence of a unified command across multiple probes, the police are likely to continue their investigation regardless of what the special prosecutors do.

Former first lady Kim Keon Hee leaves the presidential residence in Yongsan District, central Seoul, on April 11. [JOONGANG ILBO]

With three separate special investigations now underway against the former president and first lady, the legal scrutiny is not likely to ease anytime soon. Jo Eun-seok, the special prosecutor overseeing the investigation into martial law, added a fresh charge against former Defense Minister Kim Yong-hyun just six days after his appointment — an early sign that unexpected moves may lie ahead.

Since the 2024 martial law declaration, Yoon has often appeared to fumble for the right answers. His argument that it was merely a “warning-level martial law” failed to convince the courts or the public. That misstep ultimately led to his impeachment and the launch of an unprecedented series of independent investigations.

If “What now?” was the question that framed his actions in crisis, perhaps it is time for Yoon to stop offering answers that only dig the hole deeper. The resistance he now mounts — like telling journalists not to block his view — no longer seems tenable.

Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.