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When public office becomes a party post

Published: 02 Jul. 2025, 00:02

Ko Jung-ae

The author is the editor-in-chief at the JoongAng Sunday.

In the United States, members of Congress cannot simultaneously serve in the Cabinet. The U.S. Constitution prohibits sitting legislators from being appointed to federal offices that were created or had their salaries increased during their terms. This clause is designed to avoid conflicts of interest. For example, when Sen. Marco Rubio, Republican of Florida, was considered for secretary of state, he had to resign from the Senate to accept the post.

Even the vice president, who serves as president of the Senate, cannot vote unless breaking a tie — and is not a senator. The design reflects the Founding Fathers’ deliberate effort to maintain a separation of powers. James Madison famously argued that “ambition must be made to counteract ambition.” He warned that the accumulation of all powers — legislative, executive and judicial — “in the same hands” would constitute tyranny. Madison feared the legislature most, noting its tendency to expand its reach and absorb all other powers. He advocated for a bicameral legislature and a clear ban on dual office-holding.

President Lee Jae Myung, center, and ministers show respect for the flag ahead of a Cabinet meeting at the presidential office in Yongsan District, central Seoul, on June 24. [JOINT PRESS CORPS]

This principle was diluted when it crossed the Pacific. Korea’s Constitution was not drafted by a founding assembly but by politicians who would go on to compete for power under the new system. The original framework resembled a parliamentary system, but after opposition from Syngman Rhee — who declared he would rather lead a civic movement than remain in government — a presidential system was added. From the outset, many lawmakers were appointed as ministers.

Except for a brief period in the 1960s, Korean presidents have consistently appointed sitting lawmakers as Cabinet ministers. Over time, this became a defining feature of Korea’s version of presidentialism, eroding the principle of the separation of powers. Lawmakers, whose role is to check the executive, often become part of it — or aspire to. The result is a legislature that too often aligns with the president’s will, with ruling parties functioning as extensions of the presidential office.

There have been calls for reform. In 2009, a lawmaker from the then-ruling Grand National Party — now the People Power Party — proposed an amendment to the National Assembly Act that would prohibit lawmakers from serving in the Cabinet. He argued that speculation about Cabinet appointments damaged the governing party’s leadership. Ironically, that same lawmaker later served as minister of health and welfare under President Park Geun-hye, and as minister of the interior under President Moon Jae-in.

As one Western observer noted, the Korean political system exhibits a persistent vortex of ambition that resists rational introspection, bipartisan compromise, or serious policy debate.

The problem has grown more acute. Under previous administrations, sitting lawmakers accounted for 10 to 20 percent of Cabinet appointments. In the current administration, that share has surged to 44 percent as of July 1. While President Lee Jae Myung’s administration has received generally positive marks so far, the trend raises red flags for Korea’s presidential system. Not only is the scale concerning, but so is the character of the appointees. Many are senior lawmakers with strong party loyalties.

Consider the recent nomination of a sitting lawmaker to head the Ministry of the Interior and Safety — a ministry responsible for overseeing local elections. While Korea has seen National Tax Service chiefs enter politics, it has not had a sitting ruling party lawmaker lead the agency. Now, even law enforcement agencies are being led by political figures. To rise to high office, it seems one must join a political faction and earn a legislative seat. Public office has increasingly become a party post.

Prime minister nominee Kim Min-seok submits a written oath to Rep. Lee Jong-bae of the People Power Party, who chairs the special parliamentary committee for Kim's confirmation hearing, at the National Assembly in Yeouido, western Seoul, on June 24. [YONHAP]

This trend affects legislative oversight. In confirmation hearings, liberal ruling party lawmakers not only shield nominees but sometimes interrogate conservative opposition lawmakers instead. The ruling party’s floor leader, whose role includes negotiating with the opposition, recently declared “total war” against them, accusing them of sabotaging people’s livelihoods. With the liberal party taking on every fight, the president faces little resistance and can offer only comforting words.

Is this normal?

After the U.S. Constitution was drafted, someone asked Benjamin Franklin what form of government had been created. He replied, “A republic — if you can keep it.” The question for Korea is: Are we still keeping our presidential system in good health?

Translated from the JoongAng Ilbo using generative AI and edited by Korea JoongAng Daily staff.