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Prosecution office abolition echoes Yoon’s ill-fated medical school expansion

Published: 05 Oct. 2025, 13:21

Lee Sang-ryeol

The author is a senior editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

The Lee Jae Myung administration’s plan to abolish the prosecution office draws comparisons to the Yoon Suk Yeol government’s controversial push to expand medical school quotas. While doctors and prosecutors occupy very different domains, both initiatives share striking similarities.

The first is a “push-through” approach that leaves no room for discussion. Under Yoon, the expansion of medical school admissions by 2,000 became untouchable once approved by the president. He rejected cautionary advice from close medical professionals and sidelined aides who raised concerns. The government relied on three studies projecting a shortage of 10,000 doctors by 2035, though the estimates were open to challenge. Factors such as delayed retirements and rapid advances in medical technology were hard to model precisely. Public anger over the lack of doctors in essential fields, overcrowded emergency rooms and rushed consultations appeared to drive the political momentum for expansion.

The National Assembly voted on a government reorganization bill on Sept. 26 that included abolishing the prosecution office and establishing a Serious Crimes Investigation Agency and a Prosecution Service. The photo shows the Supreme Prosecutors’ Office in Seocho District, Seoul, the same day. [YONHAP]

The prosecution office plan has unfolded in a similar fashion. Opposition objections were dismissed outright, and dissent within the ruling party was nonexistent. Legal professionals had little input. As a result, the Democratic Party delivered on its pledge to make the abolition a key issue during the Chuseok holiday. For the first time since Korea’s founding in 1948, the prosecution office is now on track to be dismantled.

The institution has its share of failures, often bending to political power or indulging in organizational self-interest. Calls for reform are justified. Yet dismantling the prosecution itself is a different matter. A restructuring of the criminal justice system of this scale raises the question of whether a rapid, one-directional push is appropriate.

Poorly designed reforms ultimately burden the public. During the medical school dispute, the walkout of residents and interns left hospitals struggling. Surgeries were delayed, including for critical patients. Analysts estimate that during six months of doctor-government conflict, excess deaths surpassed 3,000.

Abolition of the prosecution office fulfills the Democratic Party’s long-held goal of “complete deprivation of prosecutorial investigation rights.” What matters for citizens is the reality afterward. Legal experts warn of longer delays and unresolved cases. The damage would fall on ordinary people with limited means. Defense attorneys report that after prosecutorial powers were reduced under the Moon Jae-in administration, cases piled up and investigations slowed. Statistics confirm this. As of July this year, long-term pending cases exceeding three months numbered 22,564, roughly 2.4 times the total in 2022.

Medical professionals walk in a general hospital in downtown Seoul in March 2024. [NEWS1]

The surge in unresolved cases offers impunity for offenders but agony for victims. Public safety is at risk.

Former Prosecutor General Lee Won-seok, who clashed with Yoon’s office over the investigation of first lady Kim Keon Hee, once read aloud the names of 24 rank-and-file prosecutors during a monthly meeting. Among them were Kim Se-hee and Lee Ja-young, who reopened the “Busan kicking case”; Oh Seung-hwan, who uncovered the truth behind a hiking trail murder dismissed by police; and Park Hyun-kyu, who exposed a large-scale housing rental scam. These prosecutors, far removed from politics, continue to safeguard citizens and pursue justice. The government’s plan to separate investigation and indictment must not undermine their work.

Another parallel lies in poor preparation. The exodus of residents was predictable in the medical dispute, but the Yoon administration lacked contingency measures. In the case of prosecution reform, the government and ruling party say they will devise compensatory measures within a year. Critics liken this to demolishing a barn before building a new one.

History shows that reforms driven more by political calculus than by public interest rarely end well. When leaders refuse to hear opposing voices, the result is backlash. Such missteps often mark the beginning of public disillusionment.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.