The government must take direct control of seasonal worker management

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The government must take direct control of seasonal worker management

Published: 20 Oct. 2025, 00:03

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Won Ok-kum

The author is a representative of the Migrant Center Donghaeng and is originally from Vietnam.

Not long ago, a Vietnamese woman came to me for help. Her brother had come to Korea as a seasonal worker, rising at 4 a.m. each day to pack lunch, board a bus and move from farm to farm, working twelve hours a day. He thought he would be employed at a single farm, but the reality was different — he worked under a new employer almost daily. His pay was 80,000 won per day, while the broker pocketed 50,000 won out of the 130,000 won paid by each farmer. Deductions were made for lodging, electricity, Wi-Fi and even industrial accident insurance. When there was no work, he was left waiting in his quarters without any compensation. His sister had paid a broker 3.6 million won to bring him to Korea, but after eight months, he returned home with little more than exhaustion and loss.

Foreign workers wearing traditional Vietnamese conical hats, or non la, harvest potatoes in a rural village in Gangneung, Gangwon, on July 23. [YONHAP]

Such stories are far from isolated. Across the country, many local governments rely on the seasonal worker program to fill agricultural labor shortages, but illegal brokers and fake agencies have become deeply embedded in the process. By law, seasonal workers are supposed to work only for the farms named in their contracts and be paid directly by their employers. In practice, violations are rampant. Some marriage migrants have even become brokers themselves, facilitating or profiting from these illegal arrangements — a painful reality in itself.

Seasonal workers are allowed to stay for up to five months, or eight if extended, but during that brief period they are indispensable to Korean agriculture. With rural populations aging rapidly, farms now depend on these workers to survive the planting and harvest seasons. Yet they remain on the margins of the system, treated as disposable labor rather than essential contributors.

The program was designed for local governments to recruit and manage workers directly, but brokers have stepped in, turning the process into an illegal dispatch system. Complex paperwork and limited administrative capacity have opened the door to exploitation. Brokers promise “fast visas” or “good farms,” collecting fees from both sides. The result is a structure where both farmers and workers end up suffering losses.

An even bigger problem lies in the legal vacuum surrounding protection. Because of their short stay, seasonal workers often fall outside the scope of the Labor Standards Act. Some are not covered by industrial accident insurance, and many live in poor housing conditions — greenhouses or shipping containers without adequate heating. The language barrier prevents them from reporting abuse or claiming their rights. Though they are “legal residents,” they remain invisible within the very system that brought them here.

The Ministry of Justice recently announced plans to designate specialized agencies to oversee seasonal labor, but the real solution is to eliminate brokers entirely. Canada’s “government-to-government” model offers an instructive example: its federal government manages recruitment, entry and oversight directly, cutting out private intermediaries and ensuring transparency and public accountability.

Korea could take a similar approach. Institutions such as the Human Resources Development Service of Korea or the National Agricultural Cooperative Federation, which already manage foreign workers under the Employment Permit System, could take charge of seasonal labor management. This would guarantee fairness and efficiency, reducing the reliance on opaque private networks. Under no circumstances should the government allow the system to be reshaped into a profit pipeline for brokers masquerading as “specialized agencies.” Reports suggest some are already preparing to do exactly that.

Local governments must also play their part. In some regions, weak oversight and collusion with brokers have led to gross negligence — even ignoring complaints of exploitation. Municipalities should publicly disclose information on seasonal worker placement and strengthen coordination with the Ministry of Employment and Labor and the Immigration Service. Reviewing employment contracts, verifying wage payments and inspecting housing conditions should be the minimum requirements for any local authority that assigns seasonal workers.

A seasonal migrant worker from the Philippines shakes hands with a Korean farmer on April, 2022 after arriving in Yanggu County, Gangwon, for temporary work. [YANGU COUNTY OFFICE]

At the national level, the government should prioritize human rights and labor protection when redesigning the system. Introducing a digital employment contract platform would prevent employers from altering contract terms or making unauthorized deductions. Real-time tracking of hours and wages could serve as a safeguard against wage theft and intermediary exploitation.

Seasonal workers are not transient outsiders; they sustain the backbone of Korean agriculture. They are the hands behind the food that reaches our tables each day. If the system continues to exploit them under the guise of necessity, Korea’s agricultural future will wither alongside their trust. The seasonal labor program must be rebuilt — not for convenience, but for people.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.