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Only the presidential office stands out

Published: 22 Oct. 2025, 00:02

Ko Jung-ae

The author is the editor-in-chief at JoongAng Sunday.

Workload at the presidential office intensifies the higher one climbs. Former President Moon Jae-in once recalled his early days as Blue House chief of staff, writing in his memoir “Destiny” (2011) that “I had about 10 teeth pulled in my first year. Strangely, the higher the rank, the more teeth were lost.” Current chief of staff Kang Hoon-sik has mentioned taking supplements for gum health — and understandably so.

Presidential Chief of Staff Kang Hoon-sik, appointed as special envoy for strategic economic cooperation including the defense industry, departs for Frankfurt, Germany, from Terminal 1 of Incheon International Airport on October 19. [YONHAP]

It was therefore surprising when Kang was appointed as the president’s special envoy for strategic economic cooperation to promote defense exports. There are precedents for moves like this. During the Moon administration, Im Jong-seok served as a special envoy to the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and under Yoon Suk Yeol, Kim Dae-ki made a similar trip. In both cases, the UAE sought a close presidential aide: Im was personally trusted by Moon, and Kim had ties to former President Lee Myung-bak, having served as his senior economic secretary and policy chief. Yet both were one-off missions. Kang, by contrast, is expected to handle defense cooperation three times.

Given that he neither has 48 hours in a day nor two bodies, such an additional post is inevitably a heavy burden that will affect his core duties. Why assign the role to him at all? During the Lee Myung-bak administration, influential officials such as Kwak Seung-jun and Park Young-jun were tasked with similar missions.

Policy Chief Kim Yong-beom’s growing visibility also stands out. In recent photos of his meeting with U.S. Secretary of Commerce Howard Lutnick, Kim appeared to be leading the discussion. Traditionally, the main communication channel between the two sides had been Industry and Minister of Trade, Industry and Energy Kim Jung-kwan and Lutnick, yet the minister sat off to the side. Around that time, local media reported that “Kim Yong-beom, Koo Yun-cheol and Kim Jung-kwan took the lead in negotiations.” A senior bureaucrat familiar with their relationship remarked, “The policy chief likes to take charge, the deputy prime minister (Koo Yun-cheol) keeps his distance and the minister is younger — so the pecking order is obvious.” Still, when the presidential policy chief, whose role is advisory, overshadows a deputy prime minister or minister in public, it raises questions about the chain of command within the economic team.

During Moon Jae-in’s presidency, critics spoke of a “Blue House government,” referring to the executive office’s dominance over the cabinet. Under President Lee Jae Myung, this trend appears even stronger. The cabinet’s role has weakened further, while the presidential office has grown more prominent. Whether this imbalance is healthy remains uncertain.

Internal developments also point to unusual dynamics. Since late September, searches for Presidential Secretary Kim Hyun-ji have outnumbered those for President Lee by as much as two to three times, according to Naver data. Her transfer from secretary for general affairs to chief secretary for presidential affairs drew attention, but so did the creation of a new senior personnel secretary position just before that move. When Kim’s personnel decisions came under criticism, a ruling-party insider predicted, “The president probably thinks she lacks the ability for her current role.” But once the new personnel secretary post was created, responsibility for staffing issues diffused, and Kim was promptly promoted to oversee the president’s daily schedule and access. She now effectively controls the passage leading directly to the president.

Presidential Policy Chief Kim Yong-beom (left) and Minister of Trade, Industry and Energy Kim Jung-kwan meet with U.S. Secretary of Commerce Howard Lutnick (right) at the Department of Commerce in Washington, D.C., on Oct.16 to discuss pending issues in Korea-U.S. tariff negotiations. [MINISTRY OF TRADE, INDUSTRY AND ENERGY]

The situation recalls political theorist Carl Schmitt’s description of the “anteroom of power” in “Constitutional Theory” (1954). Expelled from public life after World War II for his Nazi sympathies, Schmitt wrote that “in front of every chamber of direct power lies an anteroom of indirect influence. It is the corridor leading to the ruler’s mind. The more power concentrates in one position or person, the fiercer the struggles among those who occupy and control that anteroom. The ruler, in turn, becomes increasingly isolated.”

President Lee, who commands the broadest political base since democratization, appears paradoxically to be narrowing his circle of influence. The question is why.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.