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A witch hunt in the name of tracking ‘insurrectionist’ officials

Published: 17 Nov. 2025, 00:02

Chang Se-jeong

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

Prime Minister Kim Min-seok’s plan to create a “Constitutional Order Reform Task Force” under his office, which he reported to President Lee Jae Myung during a Cabinet meeting last week, is an idea difficult to imagine in a liberal democracy. The proposal calls for establishing a central task force and forming investigation teams of at least 10 members in each of the 49 central ministries and agencies, which together employ some 750,000 civil servants. When Kim presented the plan, President Lee approved it, saying it was “something that must be done.” The sudden shift toward a sweeping purge of the bureaucracy, framed as rooting out sympathizers to insurrection, raises questions about what happened to the administration’s early emphasis on unity and pragmatism.

President Lee Jae Myung speaks with Prime Minister Kim Min-seok during a Cabinet meeting at the presidential office in Yongsan on Nov. 11. [YONHAP]

According to the Prime Minister’s Office, investigators will scrutinize two groups of public officials: those who allegedly engaged in planning or carrying out the Dec. 3 martial law declaration during the six months leading up to it, and those who, from the time martial law was declared until April 4 — when the Constitutional Court issued its ruling — sought to justify or downplay it, or provided personnel or material support using their official positions. The investigation will involve interviews that resemble interrogations, written inquiries and digital forensics. Officials’ work computers will be inspected, and investigators will “encourage” a voluntary submission of personal mobile phones. Many expect that refusal will lead to suspicion and stigma, making the request effectively coercive.

The government plans to conduct the inquiry through the end of January and carry out personnel overhauls before the Lunar New Year holiday in February. With 750,000 potential targets, frustration is already spreading. Civil servants are also citizens entitled to constitutional rights. Treating them indiscriminately as suspects risks paralyzing the bureaucracy. In a system where promotion is central to career advancement, such scrutiny could turn ministries into places of mutual distrust, backbiting and denunciation. Reports of anonymous accusations and rumors already circulating within the military and police only heighten concern.

Several explanations have been floated for this drastic approach. Some observers believe the administration is trying to reverse negative sentiment after controversy over the Daejang-dong appeal decision. Others interpret the move as an attempt to exert political control over the bureaucracy ahead of the June local elections. Whatever the motives, the costs of a demoralized civil service will ultimately fall on the public.

The former president’s abrupt declaration of martial law was already ruled unconstitutional by the Constitutional Court, and he was removed from office. However, the court did not decide on the criminal question of insurrection. Former president Yoon, now detained, continues to contest the charge in court. If the judiciary ultimately determines that an insurrection occurred, those responsible should face legal accountability.

Many Koreans remain bewildered by the episode. Even Cabinet ministers reportedly had no idea that Yoon would call a midnight meeting and announce martial law on live television. Former Land Minister Park Sang-woo told the court that Cabinet members themselves “were victims,” a claim that may not simply be self-justification. A number of officials lost their positions and reputations overnight despite having no involvement. Given that the National Assembly voted to lift the martial law within hours, it is difficult to see how the actions of a small group justify treating the entire civil service as potential collaborators.

The People Power Party has denounced the plan as a form of communistic governance, comparing it to a medieval witch hunt, although its limited numbers make it unlikely to stop the initiative. The approach recalls McCarthyism in the United States during the Cold War or the surveillance regime of East Germany’s Stasi, practices incompatible with contemporary liberal democracy.

The Lee administration has recently moved away from some policies of the Moon Jae-in government, as shown by its decision to extend the life of the Kori-2 nuclear reactor. President Lee has also shifted toward a more pragmatic line in foreign and economic policy, acknowledging the limits of a “pro-U.S. but economically China-reliant” strategy and strengthening cooperation with Washington during the bilateral summit. These moves align with national interests. Moon’s drive to “eradicate deep-rooted evils,” however well-intentioned, ultimately fueled division and was judged harshly by the public. A small group of fervent supporters may applaud a similar purge today, but repeating Moon’s error would risk making both the president and the country worse off.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.