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If everyone must become a party member

Published: 27 Nov. 2025, 00:02

Kim Jung-ha

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

The idea that a political party belongs to its members seems obvious, but in Korea, it is closer to fiction, as state subsidies finance most parties' operations. If a party used its membership dues to fund its election campaigns, pay its staff and cover office rent, then no one would question its right to operate as it wishes.

Jung Chung-rae, the leader of the Democratic Party, speaks during a supreme council meeting at the National Assembly in Yeouido, Seoul, on Nov. 26. [YONHAP]

But the reality is that major parties like the Democratic Party (DP) and the People Power Party (PPP) would struggle to function without government funding. It is unrealistic for organizations that receive tens of billions of won in state subsidies each year to run purely on their members' preferences. If they want total autonomy, they could forgo public funding. Under the current system, a degree of public oversight is necessary.

This is why Korean parties need to consider not only the will of their members but also broader public opinion when nominating candidates or choosing party leaders. While other countries provide generous state subsidies, they tend to have more established parliamentary systems in which parties are not run as if they are the personal property of political bosses. Korea, by contrast, has long been dogged by controversies, like “pro-Lee loyalist nominations” or “parachute nominations,” every election cycle. A system that reflects public sentiment in the primaries is essential to counter this and preserve the public character of political parties.

Yet parties today are moving in the opposite direction. DP leader Jung Chung-rae is pushing to amend party rules so that both delegates and dues-paying members have equal voting power under a “one person, one vote” system. Many view this as an effort to secure his own re-election as party leader next year — given his strong support among hard-line party members — which could result in this: being re-elected as party leader, controlling nominations for the 2028 general election, reshaping the party into a pro-Jung faction and running in the 2030 presidential race. It mirrors the path President Lee Jae Myung took on his way to the Blue House.

The problem is that a one person, one vote system would severely weaken public input. During the party convention in August, the DP had 365,892 dues-paying members in Honam but only 90,642 in Yeongnam. Delegates currently carry roughly 17 times the voting weight of regular members, which helps soften regional imbalance. Switching to one person, one vote would amplify Honam’s influence and weaken Yeongnam’s. That imbalance would undermine the party’s public character.

The PPP is also preparing to shift its primary rules for next year’s local elections. The current nomination formula weighs party member votes and public opinion polls equally at 50-50. The proposed revision would increase the party member share to 70 percent and cut public input to 30 percent. Whatever the justification, the move will be seen as an attempt to strengthen the influence of pro-Yoon Suk Yeol forces. Nearly a year after the imposition of emergency martial law, the party remains stuck in its own political trench when it can be broadening its appeal. It raises the question of whether party leaders understand that strong public resentment toward Yoon and former first lady Kim Keon Hee remains.

People Power Party leader Jang Dong-hyeok speaks at a rally titled “Restoring Livelihoods and Defending the Rule of Law” at Sculpture Plaza in the Cheonan Intercity Bus Terminal in South Chungcheong on Nov. 26, criticizing the government and ruling party over the prosecution’s decision to drop its appeal in the Daejang-dong case and the plan to create a special tribunal for insurrection cases. [YONHAP]

If repeated warnings to value public opinion continue to go unheard, one logical solution remains: for citizens themselves to join the parties and change the composition of party membership. If enough people join, party sentiment could begin to mirror public sentiment. Membership fees for both major parties are only 1,000 won ($0.67) per month. If spending that amount could help change Korean politics, it may be worth considering. Joining both parties could even be the most effective option, with party members pushing both sides toward dialogue and compromise.

Of course, Korean law prohibits holding membership for more than one party. As a journalist, I acknowledge that encouraging dual membership is not responsible advice. But unless someone is running for office, there is virtually no way to detect multiple memberships, and some scholars have argued for allowing dual party affiliations. The point is not to advocate such a system but to highlight how extreme the parties’ behavior has become.

The severity of the problem is clear when such drastic ideas even come to mind. Korea's major parties are moving further away from the public they claim to represent.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.