Apology for martial law and cutting ties with Yoon-Kim couple are the basics

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Apology for martial law and cutting ties with Yoon-Kim couple are the basics

Published: 01 Dec. 2025, 00:02

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Chang Se-jeong

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

A year ago, Korean politics was locked in a fierce confrontation. The Democratic Party (DP), which had won 175 seats in the April 10 general election, sought to shake the Yoon Suk Yeol administration by filing 29 impeachment motions. Then-President Yoon responded by exercising 25 vetoes, refusing to compromise with the opposition. Public sentiment cooled, and his approval rating slid to 19 percent in the fourth week of November, according to Gallup Korea.

Former President Yoon Suk Yeol testifies during a martial law trial at the Seoul Central District Court in the capital on Nov. 19. [YONHAP]

Yet, party support remained nearly even: 32 percent for the People Power Party (PPP) and 33 percent for the DP. On Nov. 15, the Seoul Central District Court sentenced then-DP leader Lee Jae Myung to one year in prison, suspended for two years, for violating the Public Official Election Act. If the verdict had been upheld, Lee risked losing his parliamentary seat. A prudent governing party might have judged that time was on its side. Instead, only days later, Yoon appeared on television late on the night of Dec. 3 to declare martial law, saying it was necessary “to root out pro–North Korea forces and protect the free constitutional order.”

What has unfolded in the year since the Dec. 3 declaration has been equally consequential. After the June 3 early presidential election brought the Lee administration to power, three separate special counsels — investigating allegations of insurrection, the Marine death case, and controversies involving ex-first lady Kim Keon Hee — revealed details about Yoon and his wife that many citizens had not previously known. Though the investigations continue and final conclusions have not been reached, even the key facts that have emerged so far are disturbing.

The first is the former president’s erratic behavior and failure of leadership. In court, where he is defending against insurrection charges, Yoon interrogated retired Special Warfare Commander Kwak Jong-geun as though he were a prosecutor. He also acknowledged that after the Armed Forces Day ceremony last year, he consumed a large amount of “bomb shots” at a dinner at the presidential residence. Multiple accounts of similar drinking episodes evoke concern about a commander in chief heavily intoxicated during periods of North Korean provocation.

The plan to increase medical school admissions by 2,000 also illustrated impulsive decision-making. According to the Board of Audit and Inspection, the Ministry of Health and Welfare initially proposed gradual expansion, but the former president dismissed the advice and raised the figure several times. Even with limited administrative experience, handling a policy tied directly to the nation’s health in such a hasty manner goes beyond poor judgment.

The second issue concerns the former first lady. According to investigators, Kim Keon Hee accepted luxury handbags from figures with pro–North Korea backgrounds as well as from individuals linked to the Unification Church. She also received a luxury necklace from a construction company chairman, raising concerns of influence peddling reminiscent of late–Joseon Dynasty (1392-1910) corruption.

Forensic analysis of her mobile phone showed that in May of last year, she texted former Justice Minister Park Sung-jae asking about the progress of her own investigation and questioned why inquiries into Kim Hea Kyung, wife of President Lee Jae Myung, and Kim Jung-sook, wife of former President Moon Jae-in, were not advancing. Shortly after the messages were exchanged, the team overseeing her case at the Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office was suddenly replaced. If Kim Keon Hee used a minister to influence prosecutorial investigations, it would constitute serious interference in state affairs. Investigators suspect the former president may have invoked martial law in part to shield these issues.

Kim Keon Hee, wife of impeached former President Yoon Suk Yeol, attends her first trial at the Seoul Central District Court in Seocho District, southern Seoul, on Sept. 24. [JOINT PRESS CORPS]

The misconduct attributed to the Yoon–Kim couple is too extensive to list fully. Beyond the unconstitutional martial law declaration, the ruling party of the time should accept responsibility for the former president’s failures and his wife’s alleged abuses. Yet, the PPP has allowed a year to pass without a proper apology. It has invited criticism that it enabled a “party of insurrection.” Far-right YouTubers’ nostalgic calls for “Yoon again” should be dismissed.

Instead, the party should confront public opinion with clarity. Excluding moderate conservatives such as Oh Se-hoon, Yoo Seung-min, Ahn Cheol-soo, and Lee Jun-seok leaves the Jang Dong-hyeok leadership isolated and directionless. Unless the party wishes to forfeit any hope of returning to power and remain in perpetual opposition, it must change course.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.