How long will the government lead only through ‘eradicating insurrection’?

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How long will the government lead only through ‘eradicating insurrection’?

Published: 02 Dec. 2025, 00:01

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Koh Hyun-kohn

The author is the executive editor at the JoongAng Ilbo.

A year has passed since the Dec. 3 martial law crisis. Korea was fortunate. The country avoided serious damage to its democratic institutions, and the world took note of its resilience. The administration of President Lee Jae Myung, elected on a pledge to root out insurrection, launched three independent investigations. Most citizens considered them necessary. Severe punishment was unavoidable for those who conspired to use martial law, an archaic and unconstitutional tool. Former President Yoon Suk Yeol and his wife were detained, followed by Cabinet members and military officers accused of taking part in the plot. Many saw the outcome as inevitable.

A military helicopter carrying martial law troops lands on the National Assembly athletic field in Yeouido, western Seoul, in the early hours of Dec. 4, 2024, after then-President Yoon Suk Yeol declared emergency martial law in an urgent national address. [JEON MIN-KYU]

President Lee maintained approval ratings in the 50 percent range during his first six months in office. In a country where political identity is sharply polarized, sustaining support of that level is no small feat. Lee won 49.42 percent of the vote in the June 3 presidential election, falling short of a mandate, which means his support has risen after taking office. It is time for the administration to take a breath. When it comes to settling issues linked to the previous government, there is no need to push harder by appealing to emotion or public anger. If the government follows legal procedure, the investigations will proceed on their own. The special prosecutors can handle the insurrection charges. The presidency must return its full attention to governing.

News coverage of then-President Yoon Suk Yeol’s declaration of emergency martial law appears on a television at Seoul Station on the night of Dec. 3, 2024. [YONHAP]

For ordinary Koreans, the past year has been exhausting. The economy is losing momentum as job shortages, housing costs and rising consumer prices squeeze households. The weakening of the won, still shadowed by memories of past currency crises, has sharpened public anxiety. Yet the government and Democratic Party (DP) have continued to escalate rhetoric around "eradicating insurrection." Their push for a special tribunal dedicated to martial law crimes, despite constitutional controversy, has deepened concern. The move suggests they see political advantage in keeping the issue alive through next June’s local elections. If so, it is a dangerous calculation.

The administration’s recent decision to investigate public officials to identify anyone connected to the crisis was a step too far. The “task force for government innovation and constitutional integrity,” created inside the prosecution service, sounds intimidating even by name. The unit has more than 500 members. Its investigations cover 49 government agencies and as many as 750,000 employees. President Lee said that allowing insurrectionist acts to “hide in the shadows” would guarantee their recurrence. Yet the unit's plan to inspect civil servants’ personal mobile phones without warrants raises serious constitutional concerns. It stretches the meaning of “constitutional integrity” beyond recognition.

The new internal reporting center is even more troubling. The criteria for defining involvement in the martial law plot remain unclear, and the scheme risks turning colleagues into adversaries. Such tactics recall the purges used by authoritarian systems. Prime Minister Kim Min-seok said only individuals “directly connected to the insurrection” would be investigated, and that the process would be swift and confidential. But once a threat has been issued to the entire civil service, secrecy and restraint become doubtful. Suspicion spreads easily, and organizational culture deteriorates. Public servants will retreat into passivity.

Korean civil servants are conditioned to follow orders. The State Public Officials Act requires obedience and the instinct to say “I will look into it” even when a directive seems questionable is common. When a president gives a forceful order, few can say no. During the crisis a year ago, most Cabinet ministers attending the emergency meeting barely understood what was unfolding. Expecting any official to grasp the situation instantly and respond correctly may be unrealistic. Former Deputy Prime Minister Choi Sang-mok reportedly told former Prime Minister Han Duck-soo, “Is this how you want to end 50 years of service?” It may sound obvious now, but saying it in the moment required real courage.

President Lee Jae-myung gives a briefing at the presidential office building in Yongsan District, central Seoul, on June 4. [NEWS1]

DP Chairman Jung Chung-rae and the opposition leadership show little sign of changing. Their political careers were built on combative tactics, and they seem determined to continue. The People Power Party is no different. Only President Lee can balance the extremes. If he hopes to be remembered as a successful leader, he needs to move toward larger, more generous politics. Punishing the former president, his wife and key aides is enough. Dragging loosely connected figures into investigations or scrutinizing the entire civil service goes too far. The martial law plot was planned in secrecy by a small circle. Most ministers did not even know it was taking shape, let alone rank-and-file officials.

At times like this, forgiveness and inclusion would allow President Lee to become what he promised: a president for all. One need not cite U.S. President Abraham Lincoln, who appointed his rival Edwin Stanton secretary of war, or King Sejong, who promoted advisers with whom he disagreed, to illustrate this point. Korea has had few leaders who chose magnanimity over retribution. Every change of administration has brought another round of political purges. The tools of state power — the prosecution, police, tax authorities and intelligence agencies — can accomplish almost anything, but the consequences always return like a boomerang.

Korea needs a leader willing to break that cycle, govern with a wider embrace and end the politics of retaliation.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.