The antagonistic symbiosis of 'Yoon-Again' and 'Gaeddal'

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The antagonistic symbiosis of 'Yoon-Again' and 'Gaeddal'

Published: 03 Dec. 2025, 00:04

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Chae Jin-won

The authos is a researcher of Public Governance Research Institute at Kyung Hee University

A year after the Dec. 3 emergency martial-law declaration, hostility between Korea’s conservative and progressive blocs has escalated into what many describe as a psychological civil war. As both the Democratic Party and the People Power Party ride the energy of their most hard-line supporters to attack each other, the more pressing problem is how this conflict obscures the entrenched forces within their own coalitions.

A forum titled “Enemies of the Democratic Republic: Gaeddal and Yoon-Again,” hosted by the Korean Republicanism Association’s organizing committee at the Korea Press Center on Nov. 17. [JOONGANG ILBO]

The fandoms known as “Yoon-Again” on the right and “Gaeddal” on the left routinely accuse each other of undermining democracy. Gaeddal originally referred to “Daughters of Reform,” but the shorthand evolved from its Korean pronunciation and is now widely used — often with a derisive tone — by critics rather than by the group itself. Despite their mutual hostility, both fandoms face criticism for threatening the foundations of the democratic republic, functioning as what the author calls “anti-republican twins.” The term suggests not only similarity but a mutually reinforcing, antagonistic partnership: each side benefits from polarization and the consolidation of loyalists.

Within the Democratic Party, the Gaeddal phenomenon has become a fixed variable shaping the party’s internal operations. Any mention of President Lee Jae Myung’s Daejang-dong risk triggers a barrage of text attacks accusing critics of betrayal, sabotage or political manipulation. A competition of unconditional loyalty has replaced internal dissent and ideological diversity. The exclusion of former lawmaker Park Yong-jin from last year’s general-election nominations became a symbol of Gaeddal’s intolerance and aggressiveness.

Democratic Party Chair Jung Chung-rae rose to his position by aligning with hard-line fandom politics. He openly praised the progressive YouTuber Kim Eo-jun’s online outlet Ttanzi Ilbo as a “barometer of public sentiment,” even boasting that he had posted 1,500 contributions over a decade. Jung has mobilized a framework of “settling accounts with the previous administration” and has gone so far as to advocate the dissolution of the People Power Party.

Many observers say Gaeddal influence also fuels Jung’s frequent clashes with the presidential office. By modeling himself after President Lee’s “single-center strategy” — using fandom power to shield legal risks and build future ambitions — Jung is increasingly seen as exercising personal politics without coordination.

The Yoon-Again phenomenon mirrors this dynamic. People Power Party Chair Jang Dong-hyeok is often described as having secured his position with the backing of far-right YouTube personalities such as Jeon Han-gil. When former Prime Minister Hwang Kyo-ahn was arrested on charges of inciting insurrection, Jang responded by declaring, “We are Hwang Kyo-ahn,” openly defending him. He also floated the possibility of working with Rev. Jeon Kwang-hoon, a far-right conservative activist known for street-level mobilization.

Jang has blurred the line between a “political adversary” and a “military enemy,” portraying elections as existential battles over the state. His rhetoric has given the Democratic Party an opening to label the People Power Party an “insurrection-defending party,” reinforcing calls for its dissolution.

Despite their confrontation, Gaeddal and Yoon-Again function as strategic partners — whether intentionally or not. Gaeddal emphasizes the People Power Party’s “great evil,” focusing on the illegality of former president Yoon Suk Yeol’s martial-law actions to overshadow President Lee’s legal vulnerabilities. Yoon-Again does the opposite, stressing Lee’s criminal risks to divert attention from the constitutional violations of the previous administration. One wrongdoing conveniently masks the other.

These extreme fandoms demonize each other while relying on each other for mobilization. They seek to revive the old pre-democratization frame of “dictatorship versus democracy,” even though Korea democratized 38 years ago and should now be moving toward a mature republican stage. Their framing is anachronistic, blocking the political evolution required in a democratic republic.

Korea’s system rests on two pillars: democracy and republicanism. Yet democratic majoritarianism has overshadowed republican values such as checks and balances, the rule of law and the pursuit of the common good. Political parties have gradually shifted from forums for deliberation to battlegrounds for fandom warfare.

Lee Jae Myung, then the newly elected leader of the Democratic Party, waves the party flag after receiving it during the party’s first regular national convention at KSPO DOME in Seoul’s Songpa District on Aug. 18, 2024. At the time, many credited his victory to strong support from activist loyalists known as the “Daughters of Reform,” or Gaeddal. [JEON MIN-GYU]

The organizing committee behind the Korean Republicanism Association recently hosted a forum titled “Enemies of the Democratic Republic: Gaeddal and Yoon-Again,” aimed at defending the republic from both extremes. The committee argues that mass-party structures dominated by hard-line members and candidate selection based on opinion polling should be replaced with the U.S.-style legislative-party model and open primaries. Without such reforms, the influence of Gaeddal and Yoon-Again will be difficult to counter.

What Korea needs now is not cult-like devotion to political leaders but citizens who respect one another, uphold constitutional principles and defend the separation of powers and the rule of law. When such citizens come together at the ballot box, the democratic republic can endure.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.