True reconciliation and reconstruction are the only path beyond insurrection

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True reconciliation and reconstruction are the only path beyond insurrection

Published: 03 Dec. 2025, 00:00

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

On Dec. 2, the day before the first anniversary of the emergency martial-law crisis, people walk past a symbolic stone engraved with “National Assembly of the Republic of Korea, the Last Bastion of Democracy” at the National Assembly in Seoul’s Yeouido district. [YONHAP]

The shock of a year ago has not faded. The emergency martial law declared on Dec. 3 shattered the lives of ordinary citizens and destabilized the nation’s system and order. It was “an act of terror against democracy” and “a betrayal of public trust.” The moment still circulates as a symbol of national disbelief. The past year has been a period of recovering national dignity and repairing a deep public wound.

Fortunately, Korea and its people have proved resilient. The country achieved two major acts of what many called “constitutional restoration.” On April 4, the constitutional Court removed former president Yoon Suk Yeol from office. Then on June 3, voters elected President Lee Jae Myung, installing new leadership at a critical moment. Even in the worst crisis, the rule of law served as the final safeguard that kept the democratic republic functioning. It made real the constitutional phrase, “All power comes from the people.” At a Cabinet meeting yesterday, President Lee said, “The resilient recovery of our democracy is now regarded as a new source of hope for democracies around the world.”

The trio of special counsel investigations now wrapping up this month has begun to expose the abuses committed by former president Yoon and the influence wielded by former first lady Kim Keon Hee. Even Yoon’s delusional order — “Arrest lawmakers climbing the National Assembly walls” — has been confirmed through testimony. President Lee said yesterday, “We must fully expose the hidden shadows of insurrection and open the door to a truly just and united nation,” adding, “We must not stop here.”

But it remains unclear whether the ruling party’s campaign to overcome the insurrection will lead to national unity. Even as President Lee speaks of reconciliation, he simultaneously calls for stronger punishment of state-violence crimes and prohibiting political intervention by religious groups — measures squarely aimed at forces tied to the martial law declaration. The government faces a complex equation: how to balance accountability with national cohesion.

So far, however, the ruling party’s posture is troubling. Rather than reconciliation, its reform drive is increasingly defined by retribution and punishment. The proposal for a special court dedicated to insurrection-related cases has raised concerns about judicial independence. The ruling bloc is also pushing ahead with a law revising “distortion of justice” provisions to strengthen penalties on prosecutors and judges. People Power Party figures now warn that “legislative overreach that breaks the Constitution is no different from the essence of insurrection.”

There is real concern that the president’s call to “expose the darkness of insurrection” could be used to justify even more aggressive reforms. Promises to overcome the winner-take-all system born in 1987, and hopes for a new era of national unity, already appear to be receding. President Lee, who is scheduled to join a mass rally near the National Assembly this evening — titled “Citizens’ March to Expose and End the Insurrection and Treason of Dec. 3”—must take care not to become the flag-bearer of retribution. He should heed the growing criticism that reform efforts are beginning to resemble the very insurrection they seek to dismantle.

If the ruling bloc truly seeks the politics of unity, it must take seriously the view that polarization is deepening. In a recent survey by the JoongAng Ilbo and Gallup Korea, 77 percent of respondents said politics had become more polarized since the martial law crisis. Public trust in the trio of special counsel investigations sits at only 46 percent, with a sharp ideological divide: 67 percent support among progressives and 25 percent among conservatives. After six months of work, even the special counsel system appears insufficient to anchor national unity. Political polarization is eroding our democratic resilience. Yet the ruling party is already pursuing an additional special counsel investigation even before the current ones conclude. The more the government ignores the public’s fatigue — felt by half the population — the farther away reconciliation will drift.

Divisions within the civil service are another barrier to unity. The “constitutional Order Government Reform Task Force,” led by the Prime Minister’s Office, has produced a climate in which officials distrust and report on one another — a regressive form of anti-democratic behavior. Treating such actions as “just desserts” only entrenches division. In his inauguration speech, President Lee warned that “only political forces lacking both the competence and will to improve the people’s lives divide citizens and sow hatred to maintain power.” The administration should reflect on whether the behavior it once condemned now resembles its own.

Then-President Yoon Suk Yeol announces the declaration of emergency martial law on the afternoon of Dec. 3, 2024. [KTV SCREEN CAPTURE]

The government must also ensure a smooth transition for the newly-introduced right of public officials to refuse unlawful orders. Soldiers can now legally reject unlawful commands from superiors, yet there is no established system to prevent disruption of the military’s chain of command while safeguarding that right. At the same time, during the controversy over the prosecution’s withdrawal of an appeal in the Daejang-dong case, the government labeled prosecutors who resisted leadership decisions as “mutineers,” revealing a contradiction in its position.

The People Power Party, which should form the other pillar of unity and reconstruction, has lost its footing. Over the past year, it has neither apologized to the public nor fully severed ties with former president Yoon. Voices within the party calling for renewal remain marginalized. Instead, Chair Jang Dong-hyeok repeatedly invokes a “systemic war,” catering to hard-line supporters. Some senior party members argue, “Did apologizing win us the last election? Why cling to a losing strategy?” Such remarks reveal a poor understanding of the damage martial law inflicted on the nation. Jang has even described the arrest-warrant request for former floor leader Choo Kyung-ho as “an arrest warrant for Korea’s liberal democracy,” trying to convert internal crisis into external conflict. Party unity is emphasized endlessly, yet no coherent stance on martial law has been articulated. The party must confront the reality that moderate voters continue to turn away from the main opposition despite what they view as the ruling bloc’s constitutional excesses.

Seen against the global landscape, Korea’s politics appear even more troubling. The Korea–U. S. tariff dispute shows that even alliances are constantly tested. Shifts in U.S.–China negotiations could transform inter-Korean dynamics at any moment. Further, the geopolitical contest for AI supremacy is reshaping global markets. These are challenges that stretch the limits of Korea’s political leadership. The resilience that impressed the world must not be wasted on division and conflict. At this moment, there is little room for anything other than reconciliation and reconstruction.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.