A shameless retreat by senior PPP figures

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A shameless retreat by senior PPP figures

 
Choi Min-woo

 
The author is the editor of political, international, foreign and security news at the JoongAng Ilbo. 
 
 
 
With less than five months to go before the June 3 local elections, political polarization has emerged as a defining theme. This is not simply a story of ideological extremes. Rather, it reflects a stark imbalance in candidate supply: Too many hopefuls crowd into districts where victory looks assured, while constituencies deemed unwinnable are left deserted.
 
Joo Ho-young (right), deputy speaker of the National Assembly, and Yun Jae-ok (center) of the People Power Party enter an event venue at EXCO in Buk-gu, Daegu, on Oct. 24, 2025. [JOINT PRESS CORPS]

Joo Ho-young (right), deputy speaker of the National Assembly, and Yun Jae-ok (center) of the People Power Party enter an event venue at EXCO in Buk-gu, Daegu, on Oct. 24, 2025. [JOINT PRESS CORPS]

 
For the People Power Party (PPP), the most glaring “difficult district” is Gyeonggi. In various hypothetical matchups, ruling party candidates such as Kim Dong-yeon and Choo Mi-ae are leading opposition contenders by margins beyond the polling error range. At a New Year gathering of the PPP's Gyeonggi provincial chapter on Jan. 6, only two incumbent lawmakers showed up. Figures often mentioned as potential candidates, including former lawmaker Yoo Seung-min and Gyeonggi-based lawmakers Kim Eun-hye and Ahn Cheol-soo, have made no visible moves. In the province with the nation’s largest electorate, the party is suffering from an acute shortage of willing candidates.
 
Daegu, long regarded as a conservative stronghold, presents a stark contrast. There, seven or eight heavyweight politicians are reportedly preparing to enter the mayoral race. The first to step forward was three-term lawmaker Choo Kyung-ho of Daegu’s Dalseong district, who announced his candidacy on Dec. 29 last year. An economist by training, Choo has emphasized “economic leadership,” arguing that Daegu has fallen into deep stagnation after losing its past glory.
 
Six-term lawmaker Joo Ho-young of Daegu’s Suseong A district is also signaling his readiness to run, citing the need for a credible counterweight should former Prime Minister Kim Boo-kyum enter the race. On Jan. 6, Joo said talk of Kim’s candidacy was spreading and warned that Daegu needed a figure of sufficient stature to compete. The implication was clear: As a six-term lawmaker and current National Assembly deputy speaker, he sees himself as the only viable option.
 

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Four-term lawmaker Yun Jae-ok of Daegu’s Dalseo A district is also moving quickly. Meeting reporters on Jan. 2, Yun said the issue was less about formally declaring his run than about the message he would deliver, adding that he had already made up his mind. He pointed to a leadership vacuum in the city that has stalled progress on key issues, a statement widely read as a de facto declaration.
 
All three have spent their parliamentary careers in Daegu and are widely regarded as capable mayoral candidates. Choo is seen as well suited to reviving the local economy, Joo as a seasoned negotiator with strong political instincts across party lines and Yun as a meticulous manager with a reputation for stability.
 
The problem lies in timing. Since the Dec. 3, 2024 martial law crisis, the conservative camp has been deeply fractured. The PPP’s approval ratings have been stuck in the low 20 percent range. With the party itself in turmoil, even considering a name change, and with the ruling camp having seized the initiative in national politics, the spectacle of senior figures flocking to the “safe haven” of Daegu is unlikely to be well-received.
 
It is no coincidence that all three served as floor leaders for the ruling party under the Yoon Suk Yeol administration. That makes it difficult for them to escape moral and political responsibility for the government’s collapse. Their pivot to Daegu also leaves them open to criticism that the move is less about public service than self-preservation: a shield against legal risks in Choo’s case, or an indirect way to sidestep pressure not to seek re-election in the next general election for Joo and Yun.
 
Choo Kyung-ho of the People Power Party attends a meeting at the party’s Daegu city chapter office in Suseong-gu, Daegu, on the afternoon of Dec. 29, 2025, where he declares his bid to run for Daegu mayor in the local elections scheduled for June 2026. [NEWS1]

Choo Kyung-ho of the People Power Party attends a meeting at the party’s Daegu city chapter office in Suseong-gu, Daegu, on the afternoon of Dec. 29, 2025, where he declares his bid to run for Daegu mayor in the local elections scheduled for June 2026. [NEWS1]

 
In “The Conscience of a Conservative” (1960), Barry Goldwater wrote that indiscriminate state intervention in the name of equality leads to bloated power and the corrosion of individual freedom and dignity, which is why conservatives must oppose rule by fear. One need not invoke Goldwater to see why conservatives are angry today. From proposals for a special court for insurrection cases and perceived damage to the separation of powers, to expansive fiscal policy and what critics call excessive patience toward North Korea, the list of grievances is long.
 
In this harsh reality, it is fair to ask whether the Choo–Joo–Yun trio stood at the front lines. Did they show the kind of sacrificial leadership needed to reform their party, even at the risk of their own political futures?
 
Some argue that the current leadership under Jang Dong-hyeok or the role of Han Dong-hoon as a supposed “traitor” has undermined the party. That claim deserves scrutiny. It may be that a survival-first mentality, where each figure seeks only to protect himself, is the deeper cause of conservative decline. In such an environment, the defection of Lee Hye-hoon to the progressive camp is hardly an anomaly.


This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.
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