Han Duck-soo’s fate, Kim Min-seok’s counsel

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Han Duck-soo’s fate, Kim Min-seok’s counsel

Published: 26 Jan. 2026, 00:02

Audio report: written by reporters, read by AI

Chang Se-jeong

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

Which role is harder and more consequential: that of a ruler like Taizong, the second emperor of China’s Tang Dynasty (618–907), who listened to uncomfortable truths, or that of a court official like Wei Zheng, who served Taizong and became renowned for repeatedly offering blunt and often perilous remonstrations at the risk of his own life? The question resurfaced while watching the shocking courtroom scene in which former Prime Minister Han Duck-soo, appointed twice under both progressive and conservative administrations, was sentenced to 23 years in prison and taken into custody.

President Lee Jae Myung (right) and Prime Minister Kim Min-seok talk during a Cabinet meeting at the presidential office in Yongsan, central Seoul, on Nov. 11, 2025. [YONHAP]

Han’s resume was impeccable. He graduated at the top of his class from Seoul National University’s College of Economics, earned master’s and doctoral degrees from Harvard University, passed the civil service exam at 21 and spent more than five decades climbing the ranks of public office. By reputation, he was capable and seasoned. Yet, on the night of Dec. 3, 2024, he failed to stop President Yoon Suk Yeol from declaring martial law. Even if he could not risk his life, why did he not at least slam on the brakes with the resolve to resign as prime minister? A senior figure who knew Han well offered a bleak assessment, saying that under Korea’s imperial presidency, “a truly courageous official would never make it that far in the first place.”

During conservative administrations, Han rarely emphasized his Honam roots and advanced steadily on the strength of his competence. When the Kim Dae-jung government ushered in the first transfer of power between the Yeongnam and Honam political camps, he openly acknowledged his regional background and became the subject of gossip. From there, his career under progressive governments moved smoothly, taking him to posts such as trade minister, deputy prime minister for the economy and eventually prime minister.

Han has argued that he had no prior knowledge of the martial law plan. Still, he was detained on allegations as grave as being a “key participant in an insurrection supporting a praetorian coup.” With that, political fortune that once seemed endless came to a halt. There were several moments when he could have avoided this fate. Had he declined the prime minister role when it was offered by the Yoon administration, or resigned decisively after the ruling People Power Party’s crushing defeat in the April 10, 2024, general election, he would not have been swept into the Dec. 3 crisis. At the very least, had he said “this must not be done” during or around the Cabinet meeting on the night martial law was declared, his situation today would likely be different.

Watching the downfall of a man once known as a master of survival underscores again how heavy and precarious the prime minister’s seat is under Korea’s presidential system.

It also raises questions about how different the role of prime minister may be now and in the years ahead. Figures in the ruling camp who have observed Kim Min-seok, the first prime minister under President Lee Jae Myung and the self-styled “prime minister who opens the dawn,” offer near-uniform praise. Compliments circulate that Kim “handles himself well in front of the president,” meaning that he lowers his profile as the No. 2 figure at Cabinet meetings and deftly supports Lee. Kim has frequently spoken in glowing terms about the president. At a policy briefing in Muan, South Jeolla, last December, he said that before the election, people complained that “five years of the Yoon administration felt too long,” whereas now some say “five years of the Lee administration feels too short and wish it would last longer.” He even described the president’s livestreamed policy briefings as “more entertaining than Netflix,” dubbing them “Jamflix.”

Former Prime Minister Han Duck-soo, who is accused of aiding and abetting the ringleader of an insurrection, attends a continuation of his trial at the Seoul Central District Court in Seocho District, southern Seoul, on Nov. 19, 2025. [YONHAP]

What remains unclear is how candid Kim is behind the scenes when advising the president on difficult realities such as housing and exchange rates. It is also an open question whether he accurately conveys public anger over the inappropriate conduct of figures such as Kim Byung-kee, Lee Hye-hoon, Kang Sun-woo and Kim Kyung. Judging from his unabashedly effusive remarks in public, Kim does not appear to fit the mold of a Wei Zheng-style counselor.

The test ahead is whether Kim will show the courage to become a prime minister who offers frank counsel, or whether he will instead act as a smooth operator attentive to the president’s moods while positioning himself for future power. Kim has waved off such talk, saying he has no plans to run, but speculation persists that he could emerge as a challenger to Oh Se-hoon in the Seoul mayoral race in June. Others suggest he could be deployed in August’s Democratic Party leadership contest as a counterweight to the formidable Jung Chung-rae, a critic of President Lee.

Kim’s political choices are his own. Yet, while he occupies the prime minister’s office and draws a public salary, citizens will hope that he prioritizes faithfully conveying unvarnished public sentiment over perfecting the art of pleasing those in power.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.