Home > Opinion > Columns

Pro-Lee camp alarmed by claims of using public means for private ends

Published: 29 Jan. 2026, 00:02

Kim Seung-hyun

The author is an editorial writer at the JoongAng Ilbo.

“If it wasn’t intentional, then the chemistry is simply off.”

That was how a lawmaker from the pro-Lee Jae Myung camp in the Democratic Party (DP) summed up his unease with party leader Jung Chung-rae. The comment was triggered by Jung’s surprise announcement on Jan. 22 that the party would pursue a merger with the Rebuilding Korea Party. For pro-Lee lawmakers, who believed the government’s achievement of a "Kospi 5000" milestone should have dominated the political news cycle, the timing felt jarring. Few thought Jung had deliberately tried to spoil the moment. Instead, an instinctive suspicion took hold: that Jung and President Lee simply do not work well together. It was a roundabout way of expressing deeper mistrust toward the party leader.

Democratic Party leader Jung Chung-rae, left, holds an emergency news conference at the National Assembly in Yeouido, western Seoul, on Jan. 22 to propose a merger with the Rebuilding Korea Party. On the same day, Cho Kuk, right, leader of the Rebuilding Korea Party, delivers opening remarks at a meeting of the party’s North Jeolla provincial chapter in Jeonju. Responding to Jung’s proposal, Cho said he would make a decision after “listening carefully to the voices of the public and party members.” [NEWS1]

In recent weeks, figures aligned with Lee have grown wary of Jung’s every move. They have referred to him using a Chinese idiom describing the use of public authority or causes to pursue private interests, invoking public goals to advance personal political ambitions. The belief is that Jung is laying the groundwork for a bid to secure a second term as party leader at the August convention. That context helps explain why three pro-Lee members of the party’s supreme council reacted angrily to the merger announcement. They complained that the leadership of the Rebuilding Korea Party had been informed in advance, while DP supreme council members were notified only 20 minutes before the public disclosure. When Jung said the move had been “coordinated with the presidential office,” pro-Lee lawmakers countered that he had not discussed it with the president, accusing him of trading on Lee’s name.

The presidential office has tried to keep its distance. Spokesperson Kang Yu-jung said the issue had not been discussed in advance, while senior presidential secretary Hong Ik-pyo later offered a more general line, saying a merger between the two parties was consistent with President Lee’s long-held views. Even so, tensions have been building. The strain became more visible when Prime Minister Kim Min-seok, widely viewed as a potential rival to Jung, said in a YouTube interview that “there are various opinions about whether the timing and method of the announcement were appropriate.”

Discontent within the pro-Lee camp did not emerge overnight. Jung had earlier pushed a bill to suspend criminal trials at a moment when the party might have capitalized on momentum from a U.S.-Korea tariff agreement and progress related to the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation group, drawing criticism for disrupting the political narrative. He also promoted a one-member, one-vote system under the banner of “the era of party member sovereignty,” a move many interpreted as an attempt to consolidate control of the party. These episodes accumulated as signs of poor political “chemistry,” with the merger announcement acting as the trigger. The contrast was sharp at a dinner meeting on Jan. 19, when President Lee and the DP leadership appeared to calm rumors of discord. At the time, Lee jokingly asked Jung, “Are you anti-Lee?” Jung replied, “We are all pro-Lee and pro presidential office,” drawing laughter. In hindsight, the exchange reads as a barbed joke on both sides.

The sudden merger announcement has also forced calculations about its impact on June’s local elections and the August party convention. As those stakes came into focus, factions began weighing not only political interests but also personal alignments and rivalries. Old conflict viruses long thought dormant are stirring back to life.

For now, the party is observing an uneasy truce during the mourning period for former Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan. On Monday, Jung appeared to sense the warning signs, instructing party members to exercise restraint in their remarks and to avoid confrontational commentary during the mourning period. Had the general meeting of the DP’s first-term lawmakers’ group not been postponed that day, pent-up tensions might have spilled out. Within the group, some were quoted as saying, “After the funeral, it’s war.” There is a widespread mood that Jung’s words are no longer trusted, even if he were to insist he made soybean paste from beans. Earlier, the group had issued a statement opposing what it called a unilateral push for a merger lacking procedural legitimacy.

Pro-Lee anxieties have also been heightened by Kim Eo-jun, a supportive YouTuber. The polling firm he founded declined a request from the prime minister’s office to exclude Kim Min-seok from a survey on the next Seoul mayoral race, fueling speculation. Some claim the prime minister was included to block a possible run for party leader. The YouTuber dismissed the idea as “too childish to be worth addressing.” Even so, conspiracy theories are circulating inside and outside the party that he is sketching out a scenario with Jung as party leader and the Rebuilding Korea Party's Cho as a future presidential contender.

President Lee Jae Myung, right, chats with attendees during a luncheon meeting with leaders of the ruling and opposition parties at Sangchunjae in the presidential office on Jan. 16. [JOINT PRESS CORPS]

If demands from the Rebuilding Korea Party are added to the mix, factional conflict across the broader ruling camp is likely to intensify. Just imagining the disputes that could erupt under the banner of public justification is enough to make one’s head ache.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.