A refreshing look at the founding president

Lee Ha-kyung
The author is a senior columnist of the JoongAng Ilbo.

Syngman Rhee was a herculean leader who had defended the democratic South from Communist forces. Despite a series of misjudgments by the United States, the first president of South Korea surprised the world with his understanding and insight on international affairs. I watched director Kim Deog-young’s documentary “The Birth of Korea,” which became a rare box-office hit for a low-budget film about the unpopular and forgotten president who died six decades ago. Many who saw the film spoke of a rediscovery of the “underrated” president. For a more balanced re-evaluation of Rhee, we need to look back on his conflict — and cooperation — with the first parliament aimed at drafting the Constitution. This was not featured in the film.

In 1948, when the United States was winding down its three-year temporary military governing of South Korea after its liberalization from Japanese colonial rule, the U.S.-educated president had a tight schedule ahead of him. He had to declare the establishment of a new South Korean government by Aug. 15 — Liberation Day — by staging a general election on May 10, writing the Constitution, electing the country’s first president and regaining administrative power from the U.S. military government. Everything had to move according to schedule to gain international recognition of the country at the United Nations General Assembly starting Sept. 21.

Rhee pressed the Constitutional Assembly, formed on May 31, to pass the draft of the Constitution as early as possible, citing the case of the Philippines, which drafted its Constitution in just two days. Japan came out with its Meiji Constitution in 1889 after nine years of preparation. Korea pumped out its Constitution in a month. Rhee devoted most of his life to achieving the independence of his motherland through diplomatic efforts. But his frustration forced him to harbor some skepticism over the successful establishment of the new government. The rise of a Communist party, or the Workers’ Party of South Korea, in the country only fueled his agitation. That helps explain why the founding president wanted to have overwhelming power.

But the Constitutional parliament worshiped bipartisanship and a democratic process. Though the fledgling parliament turned to the presidential system at Rhee’s insistence, it kept the features of the parliamentary system as much as possible in the Constitution. For instance, the policies and decisions of the president could be executed upon the approval of a majority in the Cabinet. The Constitution also allowed the parliament to endorse the nomination of prime minister and summon the prime minister and members of the Cabinet to the legislature when needed. In short, the Constitution institutionalized the accountability of the government.

The Constitutional Assembly elected Rhee as the first president through a near unanimous vote — 180 out of 196 attendees. That solidified his status. Then came the tricky part of naming the first prime minister. Rhee recommended Yi Yun-yong, a pastor from North Korea, over the candidates Kim Sung-soo, Shin Ik-hee, Cho So-ang whom the Assembly preferred. But the Assembly rejected Rhee’s choice through a vote.

Rhee said the disapproval originated with factionalism and didn’t reflect the real wishes of the people. Rep. No Il-hwan found his rhetoric “emperor-like.” But a clash was avoided as Rhee returned to the parliament in concession and said, “I welcome the Assembly’s disapproval of the prime minister nominee as it shows South Korea is a democratic state, not a totalitarian one.”

The Assembly’s 200 lawmakers frankly spoke their mind as members of an independent institution. They commuted on trucks or trams and worked through the weekends to debate on laws they had to make. They were entirely different from today’s lawmakers, immersed in all sorts of prerogatives and selfish interests.

On Jan. 19, 1950, the U.S. Congress voted against $60 million in economic aid for South Korea. The Assembly decided to send a letter to ask Congress to reconsider. Rep. Cho Hun-young, approving of the idea, claimed the U.S. could be doubting Korea’s democracy when it rejected the aid package.

South Korea’s founding president, Syngman Rhee, waves to a welcoming crowd of New Yorkers in a car parade in Manhattan, New York, during his state visit to the United States in 1954. The rare footage appears in “The Birth of Korea,” a newly released documentary film directed by Kim Deog-young. [KIM DEOK-YOUNG]

A week later, Rep. Suh Sang-il and 77 others from the opposition party proposed a bill to shift the governing system to the parliamentary system, claiming that the presidential system could not ensure democracy. Shin Ik-hee, the house speaker from the opposition party, backed the bill but praised Rhee as “a national treasure and father who should be president for life.” Although the speaker disapproved of Rhee’s unilateral management of state affairs, he bore faith in his leadership.

When Washington titled toward withdrawing U.S. troops in 1949, Rhee demanded military assistance on the possibility of a North Korean invasion. The U.S. rejected it in fear of provoking a war. Washington did not want to see a third World War through a clash between the two Koreas. But history shows Rhee was right. He ended up drawing economic support from the U.S. and forced Washington to sign a mutual defense treaty with Seoul.

The Constitutional Assembly passed a landmark land reform act in 1949 to turn most tenant farmers to independent farmers, a move that helped keep South Korea united in the war against North Korea. The legislation was possible thanks to a strong partnership between the president and the Assembly. Today’s geopolitical climate resembles the situation before the Korean War. While China, Russia and North Korea are getting closer to each other than ever before, former U.S. president Donald Trump, the frontrunner in the Republican race, shows little respect for the alliance. We need a leader who can accurately read international affairs and stand up to global powers — and lawmakers who would put aside party interests to play their role of cooperating with the government — now more than ever.