An ‘ideology war’, a double-edged sword
Choi Hoon
The author is the chief editor of the JoongAng Ilbo.
President Yoon Suk Yeol has repeatedly stressed the importance of ideology in national governance. “Anti-state forces with blind faith in communist totalitarianism remain active [in our society]” while “posing as democracy and human rights activists or liberal partisans,” he said in an address on the Aug. 15 Liberation Day. During a meeting with members of the Peaceful Unification Advisory Council on Aug. 29, the president attacked “opportunistic followers of communist totalitarianism.”
In a cabinet meeting on the same day, Yoon urged ministers to be more “aggressive” in their battle against the ideological opposites. Then, during a meeting with members of his People Power Party (PPP) on Aug. 30, he emphasized that “ideology is the most important value for the country. […] We cannot avoid fighting with the forces who claim 1 plus 1 is 100.”
It makes people wonder what really has brought about all this preach on ideology, since the president would be the most well-informed and have a lot on his mind. I asked his key aide who advises the president on this governance ideology.
Q. Why is the president’s tone so hawkish?
A.president Yoon has pored over the book “Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity, and Poverty” by Professors Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson. What set South Korea and North Korea apart — one for a global success and the other for disaster, despite sharing the same language and blood —was the differing institution and regime. Ideology shapes the institution. President Yoon believes that the conviction of the correct ideology should be firm so that free democracy and market economy can fully activate for the good of the public.
We haven’t heard “communist totalitarianism” in a long time.
It refers to North Korea, of course. It also includes Russia and China, as they are all fake democracies.
Who are “opportunistic forces”?
The Democratic Party (DP) has its roots in the Korea Democratic Party, which was founded in 1945 by independence fighters and nationalistic intellectuals such as Song Jin-woo, Kim Seong-su, Shin Ik-hui and Cho Byung-ok, who had been anti-communism and pro-United States. But the party lost its identity over the years. President Moon Jae-in’s push for an end-of-war declaration in place of the Armistice was a primary example. If the war is declared to have ended, the United Nations Command (UNC)’s rear bases in Japan would no longer truly be needed. The Moon administration even refused to accept German and Dutch inclusion in the UNC and its enlarged role. His government was uncomfortable with the UNC.
Why is the president demanding the PPP and Cabinet members fight?
The president believes ministers should not administer the country simply with expertise and science. The ruling force these days acts very cautiously to avoid seeing blood. The “combative liberalism” should be at the core of the powers that be. The president vowed not to be loyal to individuals. He cannot go along with those who differ in values.
Could this be the guideline on nominations for the next parliamentary elections in April?
A political party is a group of allies. The president is not yet convinced that the PPP is fully committed to upholding such a core ideology. The “devotion to values” could be the criteria in the nomination.
Can all this be helpful?
Even the conservatives are confused. The removal of the bust of independence fighter Hong Beom-do from the Military Academy, citing his involvement in the Soviet communist party, could backfire. But the president does not waver in fear of causing controversy. He is very stubborn when fixing what he believes is wrong, regardless of criticism.
The right wing may continue cheering. But a head of state posing as a crusader in an ideological war can be a double-edged sword. The moment the president defines people as “followers of Communist totalitarianism” or “anti-nation” forces, the middle ground disappears. The world has become too complex to distinguish between thoughts and souls. As the rule in the game Go suggests, it could be best that players “forget everything after they studied hard.”
Red scare remains traumatic in our society. The opposition and the media could feel suppressed in their role of checking and criticizing the government and public policy. If law enforcement authorities also turn “combative” toward the presidential order, anxiety and conflict could spread in our society. The benign intention to safeguard free democracy could end up restraining the freedom.
The ideology of our community is well defined in our Constitution — Korea is a democratic republic based on free and democratic order. Freedom, democracy and republic are the ideology. To ensure individual freedom, the people have chosen democracy to command the country. As individual freedom can collide in a conflict of interests, we agreed on the democracy under the rule of the majority. Nevertheless, freedom and democracy always clash. That’s why it is based on republicanism, backed by citizenship that respects the balance of individual freedom and communal good. The dispute on ideology can be settled through constitutional reference.
The presidential aide relayed Yoon’s own wording. “The comment on ideology came from the goal to seek wellbeing of the people. If the institutions of free democracy and market economy are not crystal clear, the well-being of the people cannot be guaranteed. His intention is to clarify the national identity for the sustainable well-being of the people and social development.” In fact, the well-being of the people should be the goal of ideological pursuit, shouldn’t it?
with the Korea JoongAng Daily
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