How Lee can save the opposition

OH HYUN-SEOK
The author is a political news reporter of the JoongAng Ilbo.

The governing party is the party of the president. As suggested by modifiers like “pro-Yoon,” “pro-Moon,” and “pro-Park,” it takes the last name of the president to command a faction in the party.

On the other hand, the opposition is a party led by its leader. Here, leaders of the party command their own faction. Some party members claim to be members of a faction led by a party leader so that they can be nominated in upcoming elections. But they can maintain their solidarity only when the leader is in the top post.

That helps explain why Democratic Party (DP) leader Lee Jae-myung announced his candidacy for the party leadership shortly after losing the last presidential election in 2022. He had never been a member of a president’s faction, such as the Donggyo-dong faction or the “pro-Roh” or the “pro-Moon” faction. Until the primary in 2021 to elect the DP’s presidential candidate, Lee only had the “team of seven” or “team of eight.”

Instead, his main weapon was social media. He read the world through his smartphone — instead of through the faction.

So, in September 2020, when “pro-Moon” members praised the income-led growth of the Moon Jae-in administration, Lee wrote on Facebook, “I can clearly see the grudge and betrayal over the Moon Jae-in administration and the DP spreading like flames.” After watching Lee’s point-blank portrayal of the liberal government and the party, those who were tired of the party’s inconsistent standards voted for Lee, which led to the neck-and-neck presidential race by a margin of 0.73 percent.

Then, the problem started. Lee’s supporters who were unconvinced of his defeat in the election formed a new fandom called “Reform Daughters.” Lee rode the tide and ran for a seat representing a district in Incheon, where he had no affiliation, instead of Seongnam, Gyeonggi, his political home. Upon entering the National Assembly, Lee took the party’s leadership as planned, ignoring concerns over a plethora of his own “judicial risks.” Then, all of a sudden, he went on a hunger strike ahead of the prosecution’s request for a second arrest warrant.

On Sept. 21, the DP will stand at a crossroads between endorsement and rejection of the motion to arrest Lee. If the motion is rejected, the party will earn the title of the so-called “bulletproof party.” It will also mean Lee has reversed his vow to give up lawmakers’ privilege of not being arrested during legislative sessions. His fanatical supporters are growling on the path of passing the arrest motion.

An unprecedented situation in which the party’s hand gets bitten by the supporters may likely happen. That’s why some say, “The party has become a hostage.” The solution is simple. Lee himself must demand the party to approve of his own arrest. Then, the sharp teeth of his fans can be avoided. Lee already said there was no evidence of his wrongdoing.

In a media interview shortly before a Supreme Court ruling in July 2020, Lee expressed anxiety but said, “I don’t trust prosecutors but have basic confidence in the country’s judicial system.” If so, the time has come for the party leader to appear before the court to determine his own political future.